hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, DECEMBER 4th., 1920. THE WEEK.
Kkcalmng, as we did this week, circumstances in connection with Westland Province which had a brief existence in 1874 and 1875, mention was made of the pre-existence of the County of Westland which was the first form of local government in force here, It carried with it legislative powers, uud was therefore a very direct form of government, It was superseded by the Provincial Council which in turn gave way to the present county system without legislative powers. The late Mr Seddon was a member of the Provincial Council, and also of the Westland County Council which succeeded it. Later, in the course of Mr Seddon’s highly important political career, he had in mind the reform of local government in this country. Reform of local government was at one time a burning question and Mr Seddon directed his attention to the subject. In a public statement he made in South Westland at the opening of the Big Waitaha river bridge in 1006, Mr Seddon hinted that he proposed to introduce into Parliament at the following session a measure of reform by wajr of experiment for tlie whole Dominion — or colony as it was then. Mr Seddon extolled the men in public life in local bodies in Westland, and thought the experiment ho purposed attempting could be trusted to them. His idea was to combine all the local bodies of Westland into one body such ns directed the County of Westland originally—eliminating the legislative powers. That body dealt with shipping, education, hospital, roads and bridges, etc., so that instead of the many there would have been one composite body. It would have been an interesting experiment, but Mr Seddon’s demise prevented it coming to pass.
Had Mr Seddon’s experiment been attempted Westland would have led the way for an important reform in local government. Now-a-days little is heard of local government reform, but it is as urgently required as ever, in fact more so for the tendency is to create more and more local bodies, rather than to consolidate them. The action is very much akin to that- of the General Government which is always heaping up fresh Departments, and of course adding enormousl to the costs of general administration. There is hardly a session now where fresh counties' or other local bodies are created, or some other form of local government put under separate control. ’Members of local bodies are become as numerous as the sands by the seashore, and it is getting difficult now to select a meeting day which does not clash, with some other local body. The bodies meet for an hour or two and disperse. The same energy which brings them together for the separate meetings might well be utilised in giving the members more to do when assembled. Co-ordinated into one large body with a consolidation of duties, moro effective work could be done. There would be a more efficient staff and a better organisation of the staff under a central local body. The late Mr Seddon was no doubt on the right lines as he generally was, and if he.has left any record of the measure he would have introduced into Parliament nearly 15 years ago now, it would still have a useful purpose to serve if some enthusiast in the Government would take the matter up.
When the Prince of Wales returned to England after his late memorable tour
to these southern seas, his advice to his j Hotno countrymen was to “pull to-' gether” as the only assured means by which the Old Country would get batik to its old credit and prosperity, and as a nation hoM together. There must bo the common effort hy all to pull together. This advice is well worth recalling nt a time when there are those who would seek to disrupt the Empire, and create a state of being in which there should be neither flag nor country. Family life may be compared to national life, in that there must b 9 parental control and direction. There is the national love of parents,. a regard for home and its associations, and a respect for all about the family record and aspirations. So with national life there should be love for the flag which is the symbol of our country. There should be regard for that country and all that it stands for. By virtue of our citizenship we may partake in the | choice of pur leaders, who have the authority of the people to impose laws. Those laws we should obey, and we should respect the authority which enforces the law. A nation pulling together would be a large happy family honoring and respecting those at the head of the household, and conforming to the will of those who are empowered to direct our habits. Likewise as wj would toil for the support of our own immediate circle, so wo should work to assist the nation to which we belong by sane and solid production so that for our part as honest workers there should be plenty for all./
To us such co-operation seems to> be the ideal of citizen life for the national well-being. We are not there for the good of ourselves, but for the benefit of the national welfare. The jiation somes first, and it is our duty to -serve our country loyally in whatever walk of life we find ourselves. Those who would urge tho negation of all this well-tried plan of national existence, should ponder on what has transpired where regu-
Inr rule and authority has been usurped, and frenzied rule esablished in its place. Consider what Bolshevism has done for Russia in the three years in which it has had full play. It has broken up the country and its prospects more thoroughly than any enemy could have done. It.has claimed more lives, caused more disaster, and left a gloomier outlook than Czardom had done in all the years of its misrule. The “Daily Mail” remarked recently that Bolshevism has halved Russian territory, cut her off from the sea, and wrecked her body and soul. Nor could there be any other result with a Government which preaches perpetual Internal war as it 9 ohief tenet, and combines Asiatic tyranny with the utmost extremes of cruelty, bad faith, corruption, and incompetence. The “Napoleon,” Trotsky, has proved the organiser of systematic defeat. The Poles were lucky to have such a “strategist” opposed to them. On the industrial side, Bolshevism is pronounced by every British and foreign Socialist who visits Russia and refuse bribes of jewels or gold to be a giganic failure. It has tried an e>periment of vast importance to ihe world, and proved, once and for all that no great industry can be conducted without skilled management—that Communistic control produces nothing but chaos and starvation. Russia is a shocking example to avoid nnd a warning to other nations that whatever may be the imperfections of its government, red revolution with proletarian rule are something to be avoided if. legitimate reforms are aimed at.
Tud organisation of industry is continually auvouated, such an organisation as will ensure tho utmost production, and will be the most efficient and the most economical. Its very strength, says a Sydney paper, may cause it to work ill for the members of the commonwealth. The commonwealth exists for the members, and not the members for the Commonwealth. We know how useless is the fight of the individual against Government departments, even when the rights of the individual are protected all the weight of the law. The Government department fights impersonally, it has all the resources of the Government behind it, and it does not matter to the directors of a Government department what expense is incurred in pushing its claims. • The resources of the individual are very limited, and often he has to choose between fighting the Government department ,and running the risk of ruin, or to suffer injustice and save some of his goods. If the citizen has to walk warily even now, when Government activities are at least circumscribed within defined limits, what would be his position were Government to take over the control of all industrial life That is what the most advanced plan for the organisation of industry njeans. It is being attempted in Germany, and the results to the great mass of individuals are the reverse of beneficial to the citizen as an individual. The strength of the German is in his passion for organisation. He has organised on paper “Plan Industry”, which is to embrace all German industry’. All German industry is to be con. trolled by one all powerful trust, working through many daughter trusts. The members of the great trust have been appointed under the name of Federal Economical Council, and the four daughter trusts are already in working order. All branches of each industry are represented on tho industrial trusts the employers, the employees, and the consumers—that is, the immediate consumers, not the ultimate consumers. And what has been the result—a steady rise in prices which aIL members of the trusts have supported. The citizen is feeling himself bound hand and foot, to the trust and he cannot help himsel, because a minority united by a community of interests will always conquer a disunited majority. The*, employees and the immediate consumers are just as keen on rising prices as the employers, because all get their dividend out of the increased price—tlie employee by higher wages, and the immediate consumer by being permitted to charge a higher price for his finished product. “Dock O’Leary”, said Mr Hennessey, “tells me a rival is takin away a lot iv his practice be puttin’ everybody on a diet. Ho didn’t say who it was.” “He told me,” said Mr Dooley, “Its tli’ high cost iv livin’.”
At the Arbitration Court in Wellington this week, Mr Beauchamp, |of Wfi Bank of New Zealand gave some Inter-
esting evidence on the economic outlook for this country. He went on to say that what the country was faced with to-day was the great fall in the value of its primary products. It seemed to him that the stage had been reached when it would be almost impossible for the country to bear a much heavier, strain. The same conditions were experienced in the Old Country, and in America. It was noticed that day that there had been a big fall in copper, lead, and spelter, all indicative of a falling oh: in the industrial life of Great Britain. He knew of only one of the primary products of thiß country for which the outlook was at all bright at the present time. That was butter which had been requisitioned up to March 31st., 1921. All other lines such as wool, hides, sheepskins, tallow, pelts, canned meat, cheese hemp, rabbitskins, and oats were selling at prices considerably below those that they had been realising during the commandeer pei'iod. Money had grown dearer in the Old Country. He knew of no com. pany to-day that was considering the question of applications for mortgages and the banks were making no advances except against practically funds in sight., In Auckland and Wellington the bonds were almost chock-a-block with goods for which importers had not been able to pay their bankers’ draft on presentation. Since the time when the war began he had not seen as many merchants and others, all anxious to quit goods. It was true that up to the present there had not been any substantial fall in the values of the goods offered, but there was greater activity in quitting than he had seen since 1914. Owing to tlie large call the banks had had on their resources in London it had been very difficult to remit money for the purchase of goods in America. • So long as there was the existing great margin (on the wrong side) between the exports and imports of the country this financial stringency would only bo accentuated. He would therefore hazard the opinion that as far as the present bonus was concerned, it would bo an extremely difficult matter for manufacturers employers, and others in this country to stand the additional strain that it was proposed to place upon them. If New Zealand continued to enlarge the vicious circle, it would in, the end, meet with a, crisis of unparalleled magnitude. Asked by Mr Bloodworth whether he did not think his statements were likely to precipitate financial trouble, Mr Beau, champ replied that he did not think so.. Everybody connected with finance knew that the country was passing through a time of monetary stringency.
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Hokitika Guardian, 4 December 1920, Page 2
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2,116hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, DECEMBER 4th., 1920. THE WEEK. Hokitika Guardian, 4 December 1920, Page 2
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