Hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, JANUARY 17th, 1920. THE WEEK.

Hokitika Guardian, 17 January 1920, Page 2

Hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, JANUARY 17th, 1920. THE WEEK.

The great Peace Treaty is at las* ratified, and the great war is .over os technically as ijt was practically fifteen months ago. TJie ratification, .unfortunately, is not the ratification expected when tlie first stage was reached. The ratification then expected was by signature of the Allies of the Entente, whereas the ratification effected is by signature of those Allies except the Ujiif.ed States of America. The difference is, ,of course, the result of the determination .of the United States Senate to ratify the Treaty with a reservation -so radical as to leave the United States out of tjie Treaty. To understand the position, it is not necessary to go into details. It is emyugfr f°r that purpose to say that important terms regardng the League (if Nations, and certain points of the territorial settlement, placed in the Treaty by the influence of President Wilson, have been rejected by the Senate. Those terms were orginally opposed by tlife representatives of all the other Powers except Great’ Rritain. During the discussions that ensued Mr Lloyd George, who stood by the Ahiprican President persuaded the other representatives that the advantage of American support outweighed the disadvantages, and, further', got them to express greater belief in the League ot Nations than they really held. At that time no one anticipated serious objection of the American Senate. On the contrary, it was assumed that the 1 tcsident was carrying all sectious of American public opinion with him. Therefore the Conference agreed tor the sake of the American support, to adopt the American terms.

Th* discussion over the ratification over the I’e.ac.e Treaty in America still continues, and cause* much comment. An exchange in referring to the continued inaction thereon, says that the plain truth of the matter is that America is not playing her part in the reconstruction of the world. &hc philandeis with words about principles whi c Uer share in the practical y-esponsibllities in the ideal peace era is being neglected. Exactly a year ago the dpjegates of 30 allied nations were mustering in Paris to begin the tremendous taslr of making the world’s peace. The majority of them, with a great history behind their nations, were prepared to accept most of America’s spiritual settlement, because they realised that the United States had the efficiency and resources to invest moral forces with material strength. And America

was given for the first time in diplomatic history the place of the lending Power at the Peace Conference. The structure of spiritual settlement grew under the President’s architectural skill, though many of the hard-headed builders were frankly sceptical about its foundations. The principal Allied Powers ratified the Treaty, hut America js still talking about ratification. A year after the muster of the great men of many nations /they all, at any rate, believed themselves to be great) it is necessary to resume the Conference of Paris to deal with very material affairs. One of tlie most difficult problems of the Conference awaits settlement. That problem affects the fate of the old Turkish Empire. As Mr Balfour explained in the closing stages of the autumn session of the House of Commons, it is impossible for the Conference to determine Turkey’s fate until America nas

given a clear lead as to her policy on the subject. The principles of Mr Wilson’s catechism of spiritual settlement as embodied in the Covenant of the League of Nations cannot be applied with any great prospect of abiding peace throughout the former Ottoman Empire unless America is prepared to accept her share ot practical responsibilities. The people who applaud Eresident Wilson’s noble sentiments have folded their hands in respect to accepting mandates for control of partß of Turkey. The League of Nations involves common action as well as a common policy. America shirks.

Refeuiung to the announced early meeting of members of the Parliamentary Labour Party’, the Dunedin “Star” says the main object of the meeting is reported to be the consideration of a national organising campaign. From this and other infallible signs it is very evident that Labour propaganda will be vigorously pushed during the next three years, with the object of capturing the parliamentary machine. If the Labour Party desire to win tlie widest measure of confidence from the electors they must banish the Ishmaelite spirit from among their leaders. They must re member that, though an attitude of disgruntled isolation or undignified neutrality may’ attract attention and give to peculiar views a seeming importance, nothing is so valuable to the nation or of permanent worth in tlie individual as sanity of outlook. The future qf the party in New Zealand depends in a large measure on the number of men in the party who come fairly close to the order mentioned. That such men are a scarce commodity’ in politics may be granted; but the Lahour T*nrt,v nrnmten mnr-li nrul miuili

will consequently’ be expected. Tlie time has come for men of action to replace the men of words. We are not foolish enough to believe that the Labour Party’ should be a replica of any other party. They have a genesis tlieir own, a political philosophy and a policy their own, and if they, were to be simply a phonographic record of something already in existence they’ could only live by political piracy. Real wisdom would consist in a great marshalling of progressive forces under one banner; but the Labour Party have resolutely set their facie against such a proposal. So, continues the journal, we do not expect tine impossible, we do suggest that the leading spirits of the party should

things. Why for instance, is it necessary for any Labour advocate in New Zealand to defend the honour of any’ or every country but his own? Of course, if such a one takes the gr.oupd that he has neither King, Country, nor God (ns one of the newly-elected M.P.’s is credit ed with), then argument is futile, because reason has vanished. This Empire of nil the Britains, young a fid old, aims at being, self-reliant in matters of national honor and defence, and her sons will fight for her and theirs so long as red blood runs hot under insult or injustice. Every man presuming to lead other men should absorb this elementary truth. So far certain men are slaves to their prejudices. Perhaps in (lie future some such may learn the lessons of the past and come more into harmony with their fallows. In our view, no man can be a good citizen of Gin world until lie becomes a good citizen <it bis ■ .own country. In the light of these and Oilier shall watch closely

the deliberations a fid decisions of the Labour Party in our country. There are possibilities without limit to the success which may come to Labour. Hot much of that possible success is, in our opinion, contingent on a change cf national outlook, if not, indeed a change of heart. -The Labour Party have, not all the political truth, Though they■ naturally feel otherwise. The party stand for much .that is new and unproven, an.d if they’ understood human nature they would realise that fot all timid souls the new and Uffkpowp has terrors. The Labour Party have t° overcome that obstacle —a big enough one surely ; but to this obstacle a section, wantonly or ignorantly, adds the championship of freak causes. And when such foolish tactics provide ammunition for Labour’s enemies and bring dismay .to tlieir friends, these short sighted leaders blames everybody but themselves for tlie int;vitubJo failure. If success for Labour is to anno with the future, then some internal improvement >g fl necessary prelude to that success.

The shortage of paper to which ™.uc« attention is being drawn at present was referred to by ap ex-ChnstcfiurcJj .resident, Mr H. Lough, who now hold# an important position in connection with the Whalen Paper Mills, Canada, and is at present on a visit t° Zealand, In an interview with a representative of the Christchurch 'Star' Mr Lough made some interesting observations on the conditions in the big Dominion, particularly with lefeience to the paper and pulp industry. The principal reason for a shortage in the paper supply, said Mr Lough, was the enormous increase in consumption that has taken pjacje in the United States and in Canada. In addition there had been a marked dwindling in the home-grown

pulp supplies of the eastern States, and s, falling off in the importation of highgrade sulphide fibre from Sweden, Norway, and Germany. The demand for news paper was growing at an, astonishing rate over the whole ol Aoith Ameiiea, and the consumption in the States was increasing faster than the production. The two big mills in British Columbia from which iNo\v 'Zealand

drew the greater portion of her supplies were the Powell lUyer Pulp and Paper Company, situated about 00 miles from Vancouver, and the Pacific Aliile>, nearly 300 miles from Vancouver. It was a fairly frequent sight to see a “Bed Funnel*’ steamer crossing the mouth of the Powell River. These Pacific Coast mills were surrounded by enormous forests of spruce, hemlock, and larch, and the only factor that could adversely affect their output was labor discord. 'J lie present production of one mill that dealf solely with pulp was about 200 tons a day of sulphide fibre, ol which two-thirds of the total output was now going to Japan. Bound one of the mills \ owned by the Whalen Company was ' over 2,000,000.000 ft of splendid timber owned by the company themselves. The three companies mentioned had also lately taken over 150 million feet

of aeroplane spruce, cut up for the use of the Imperial Munitions Board, and put on the market for disposal upon tne declaration of peace. Both the Powell River and the Pacific Mills had been thrown idle by some six months ago, but at present they were working six days a week at full blast, and the workers were drawing from 3idol a day ..upwards. The disputes had been caused by demands for shorter hours, and now every mill on the Pacific Coast was being operated in three shifts of eight hours each, in the same way as those in the eastern provinces.

Prior to the war there was a decided interest throughout the whole British Empire in that which is known as In-ter-Imperial Trading. The war, in still further cementing the relationship of the Overseas Dominions with the Motherland, stimulated a desire on the part of those lands towards closer and anore intimate trade dealings. Since the end of the war a decided movement has taken place in the direction of making effective and practical the great and magnificent scheme of that which is now known in every part of our Empire as Imperial Trading. The spirit of sentiment, which is sup- . posed to have no part in the business life of any country, is an undoubted factor in the scheme to which we refer. At first idealistic, as some of our foreign competitors termed it, the principles of Imperial Trading rapidly gained in favor until to-day it is to all intents and purposes un fait accompli. The early advocates of Inter-Im-perial Trading included ®u,ch great and practical men as Cecil Rhodes and Joseph Chamberlain. Wit'll both of these men of immense mental calibre

ami eiiuuuuu piuuigau,) *»— ty of anticipating history, Imperial Trading was no impractical and visionary scheme.' They believed in it in spite of the opposition hurled at them thirty years ago. The present stoutest advocates of Imperial Trading are to be found in the ranks of those who were formerly violently opposed to the entire scheme. They like all of us, have passed through strange and revolutionary times, in which the whole prospective of the world has undergone the most radical change, but they have come to the relisation that, after all, Imperial Trading, fundamentally and sentimentally, is in the best interests of the Empire. There is nothing selfish or insular about Imperial Trading. The contrary is the case. By a judicious and sensble application of the principles of the entire scheme intensive development and production will be vastly increased, with the result that extraneous fields of industry will he developed and the entire world benefited. Inter Empire will advocate a sane interpretations of Preferential Imperial Trading. And why not? Whyshould not Australia have preference in

tne Canadian marKets, apa Zealand in tile South African markets, just as though up oceans rolled between ? A f'C we not ope people ? Have ive nof bled and suffered shoulder to shoulder to the surprise npd amazement of the world? Is there any law or principle, written or unwritten, which would suggest that we are exceeding our rights when we frame lows and establish regulations in favour of our own flesh and blood? Are we committing any injustice to any nation on the face of the earth when we say to our own kith and kin that there sal! lie preferential trading throughout the length and breadth of the whole British Empire? We haye lived and travelled extensively through out the Overseas Dominions as well as the British Isles, and we have a fair inkling of the views we advance. There is such (V thing after ajl ill the British Empire a,s sacrificial loyalty. We know now that there are brave hearts by the hundred thousand who emphatically consider King and Country as something that comes before either financial outlook or even life itself.