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Hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, OCTOBER 4Th, 1919. THE WEEK.

The raihvaymen’s strike, and what it carries in its train at Home, is the most important national event on the horizon this week. Strikes have been succeeding strikes of late, and tire industrial unrest lias been most perturbing. It is not confined to any one country but is world wide. The British 'Etapire because of its expanse, always, seems to loom large in the matter of labor disaffection, and at the present moment is no exception to the rule. What is transpiring at Home now was forecasted by The London Times

when the Yorkshire mining strike was settled in July last. In its issue just ten weeks ago to-day, The Times said: “As fast as one dispute is settled, another looms ahead. The leaders of tine railwaymen, who have been handsomely met in the matter of pay and hours, very largely at the taxpayers’ expense, a!ro now preparing to formulate “a new national programme” in October. . . . Meanwhile the executive of the Triple Alliance, composed of representatives of the miners the railwaymen and the transport workers, are endeavouring to bring about an tomtediate general strike of all their members,- with the object of usurping the functions of Parliament. . . . The principle involved is fundamental and will unquestionably be resisted by the Government at all costs with the 'entire approval of the bulk of th e nation. What the leaders are really trying to do is to upset constitutional government in this country and to substitute for it the tyrannous and sectional control of three trade unions. . . . The designs are foredoomed to failure. . . .

The strike will fail because every attempt to destroy parliamentary government in Great Britain has invariably brought retribution upon those who were reckless enough to challenge it to a trial of strength. No one questions to-day the right of trade unionists to strike upon questions affecting their own calling; hut a project for seizing supreme political control by toposing the will of three-trade unions upon the Government of the day, will instantly call into action the immense, though often latent faith in constitutional principles which is the secret of the success of the British race.”

The foregoing is a very fair and plain statement of the position. The Times has prejudged the development of the movement at Home with very great accuracy, and what it foretold appears to he coming to pass. The public are siding with the Government, as might be expected, and the weakness of the strikers’ cause is evidenced by the call for outside support from the Alliance, many members of which are idled already because of the railway holdup. Their nominal change from unemployed to strikers will not benefit themselves, but will damage their cause. The action ' will aggravate public opinion at the license taken to further menace the public weal. The fact that the traffic was dislocated, was owing to the suddenness of the strike. There was no time given to organise, but with wonderfully speedy direction, traffic is being opened up, and every day is improving. Every day therefore, counts to the discomfiture of the strikers. Tho Government has been strong, and ’ll that strength ultimate victory lies. Mr Lloyd George took up the challenge, when all hope of a peaceable settlement was passed, and the clear statement be has given to the country makes it plain that Government is bent on pursuing a definite course. Mr Thomas, the leader of the railwaymen lias announced that there have been no further overtures for a settlemnt, nor are there likely to be unless they come from his side. The Premier lias said, however, he will not negotiate till tile men return to work. The strength of the Government action lies in tho growing success of the service system they i re inaugurating. While that continues to improve, the hopes of the railwaymen for any collapse on the part of the country must be diminishing. The present is a great trial of strength, and it is to the credit of all concerned that the struggle is proceeding on such model lines.

\Yhat is happening in Great Britain to-day and the outcome of it a!l_ will have its effect all over the Empire. Itappears at the time of writing that law. and order are to have sway, and that labor troubles must he settled in a sane way, and not with a pistol at tne head of’the nation. This struggle had to come apparently > born as it was of the social unrest created by the

war. It will he a good thing when it is over and done with, but it must .■not be a hurried settlement, or it will •he a patched peace. If we are to have ■progress and prosperity, we must have ■steady production and social quietude. The country which is to hold its own nowadays must settle down to the business of . work, and in that sensible frame of mind, there will be ample opportunity to mould the destiny of the race along constitutional lines. Bolshevism, and all that the cult stands for, must bo banished from the land. In the present struggle at Homo, it is lieing made clear that the worthing conditions are to be materially advanced on those of pre-war times. This in itself is a great advance, and ac-

cepted now in the right spirit, there is no reason why the labor cause at Home exercising the voting power it does, and with the franchise given it by Mr Lloyd George, should not bo able to achieve further advances in a. proper constitutional manner as time goes on. The •masses seem to make such ill-choice 'in their lenders. There is no greater cause than that of Labor, which is humanity itself, but by the unhappy •knack of choosing leaders often imported and too frequently Bolshevik in the lino of thought, tlfe real intercss of labor are subordinated to the whims and fancies of these abnormal leaders. The labor loader who sets out to upset con-

stitutional methods in going about the business he has in hand, is, as The Times says, “foredoomed to failure.” The British are a law-abiding people because they know the precious value of law and order, and he who would seek : to attain his ends by other methods will ! always fail in tho end.

I We owe a great deal to our soldiers. I But our debt is not confined solely to I their powers in the field of action. On i the public platform some of the men in 1 khaki are as able to expound on civil subjects as they were to lead in martial conflicts. We have just perused a I speech by General Horne who command j |ed the First Army and that officer I made some remarks which are quite ; > apropos to the unsettlement of the na- j tion which presents itself almost on all ! sides. He says that throughout the | war everyone had looked for.vard to the j day when peace would be restored, and many had expressed their determinaj tion to put forward every effort to build up out of the destruction, misery, and suffering of the war what was known as “a better England.” Were we doing so? A fortnight ago he would have said without hesitation I that we were not showing a proper j sense of thankfulness, but after seeing the crowds at last Saturday’s peace celebration and a similar scene in Paris, he had come to the conclusion that there was some such spirit at the back of our minds, though it was not extraordinarily in evidence. Were -we putting forward all our energies to get a better England, or was it merely ttie emotion of the moment? Continuing, General Horne said that courage, heroism, and self-reliance had been necessary to win the war, and there were other qualities equally necessary to carry us through the present period. They were hard work, economy and self denial. Hard work was not fashionable, and the others were not very noticeable. The idea with many people seemed to he to spend as much money as they possibly could, and in fact to do nothing unless they were absolutely compelled to do it. In excuse* for that two words were put forward, words which had been run off their legs and perverted in every possible way. They were “democracy” and “reaction.”

Democracy, as defined by Abraham Lincoln, was the finest thing in the world, bt Lincoln’s definition stipulated that there should be government, and that it should be for the people. At the present time democracy was not looked at in that light. There was too much disorder and too much of the individual. Further, when a man did what he ought not to do, or failed to do what ho ought to have done, he said it was reaction. We had won the victory, and it was natural to pause at the top of the hill to take breath. But that period must not be prolonged. After a successful operation muoh hard work was necessary to prepare against tho coun-ter-attack, and unless we dug ourselves in at the present time we might be swept off our feet. People would reply. “No, the good sense of the nation will stop that.” In pre-war days he would have agreed. But at the present •‘iine he had lost confidence in that good sense, because it tvas not the good sense of the same nation that we were dealing with. So much of the patriotism which actuated that nation was not here now, because the bodies of many of our best and bravest men were left on the battlefields of Flanders. Those men gave their lives to save England. Were, we going to fail them and with-hold tho support of our right arms to protect the country against the attacks of those who desired to stab her in the back?

The Westland Parliamentary represen tatives in both Houses are mahinf themselves heard. Last week we pub lislied Hon. Grimmond’s speech in se conding the Addrcss-in-Reply. Thii week, Hon. Michel’s excellent contribu tion to the same debate has appeared Mr Seddon took up the attention of th< House one afternoon this week in dis cussing a bill to give the Dominior good roads. The three gentlemen realised their ability to fulfill the positions they occupy with credit to themselves, and honor to the district they represent. Mr Michel struck the universa theme, which is now so much in tin public mind, the question of production, and handed it convincingly. New Zealand is now carrying a great burden ol debt, and there is the desire to add tc it-, by fresh enterprises for State aid, The people have to pay all the Time, and as our population is small, the debt per capita is mounting up tremendously. To attract more people here is necessary, and to provide for their occupation there must be great er industry. The country is now committed to a # policy of land settlemeni for the discharged soldier, and -the civilian seeking to get on the land has to do so mainly from his own resources. Industrial effort is the chief aid for adding to the population, and so rendering it easier for the country to meet its obligations. It is imperative that this effort should not be checked by any ideas of going slow or restricting output. Neither should there be any curtailment of essential commodities to carry on industries. In the world vace for world trade, the prize is going to be the worker and not to the drone. Without the outside commerce, New Zealand will he in serious financial difficulties, and these will be reflected on the people who will find the dearness the supplies unabated. The gospel of work has got to be assimilated by the whole community, and the sooner this digestive process is completed the better for all.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HOG19191004.2.13

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Hokitika Guardian, 4 October 1919, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,994

Hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, OCTOBER 4Th, 1919. THE WEEK. Hokitika Guardian, 4 October 1919, Page 2

Hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, OCTOBER 4Th, 1919. THE WEEK. Hokitika Guardian, 4 October 1919, Page 2

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