SATURDAY, AUGUST 30th„ 1919. THE WEEK .
The political whirligig is again in full motion. Sir Joseph Uai d’s retirement from the National Government a week ago, speeded up public interest in the course of events. On the whole there has been a feeling of relief that the false position which has existed since the ending of the war should terminate, i and that the country should get on j with its polities on the approved lines of Government and .Opposition. Events have proved that that method is the only way to secure reasonable attention to matters of moment. The National Government with Parliament entirely with it, failed to use its power in any practical way for the benefit of internal conditions. Prices went on soaring, labor became more and more dissatisfied and presently the whole internal economy of national intercourse was thrown out of gear by the curtailment of the railway service. Here was a nationalised undertaking, expensively and numerously staffed, suddenly dislocated because the management had failed to provide fuel to carry on the service. And it was a most drastic “cut”. All parts of the country felt and is feeling the pinch, and apart from the enormous loss to the earning power of the railways, while its maintenance cost goes on merrily, industries and commerce are suffering tremendously. This example of “national” administration suggests that the country requires something more efficient than a Fusion Ministry can bring about, so that when matters go amiss, the blame can be sheeted home, and the incompetent sent about their business.
Bom Reform and Labor circles are reviling Sir Joseph Ward for his act of secession. The former do not give the Liberal leader any credit for his indispensible services to the country during the period of the war; nor are any thanks extended to his colleagues for stepping into the breach and helping the Reformers comfortably through the war period. It has remained for the Liberal caucus to pass an appreciative motion, and extol the undoubtedly good work performed by the Liberal six while in the National Ministry. It is amusing to note that one the Refoim papers accuses Sir Josepeli Ward of placing “self before counry.” ' The critic overlooks the fact that Sir Joseph gave up power, the position he held, in order to take up an unpaid position where lie might bo of greater service to bis country. He effaced himself in point of' fact, that his country might be in a position to derive great benefit from a return to strictly party government wherein competition and emulation find play for the (betterment of conditions. The same critic failed also to realise that in entering the coalition when he did, Sir Joseph Ward postponed the opportunities of the Liberal party, that the country and not "his personal aggrandisement, should have first consideration. The fuss made about the retirement of Sir Joseph is really a compliment to that statesman. Although not a word of praise is uttered, the line of criticism shows that his retirement leaves a gaping wound in the direction of politics, and that in point of fact he was the power to keep the Reformers safely in office.
The Labor party is no less ungrateful to the Liberal leader for tile plunge taken, and the reasons for the discomforture are no less illogical. In the policy outlined by Sir Joseph Ward. Labour sees a dark plot on the part of Liberals to appropriate the principal planks of their political platform. If this were so, and Labor were politically sincere in their desire to see those planks reared as part of the political edifice in New Zealand, followers of Labor should welcome such an influential convert rather than seek to execrate him. Labor owes its place and position to the initiatory legislation of the progressive Liberals, a' hand of ardent statesmen who were dubbed by their Conservative opponents, “the seven devils of socialism.” And Sir Joseph Ward himself was one of the devils aforesaid. Gratitude does not always rear its head in politics, as the Liberal leader has had occasion to realise in past events, but justice demands that the circumstances should bo plainly stated, so that there will be some degree of fair play all round. Sir Joseph having put forward his general policy—which the Liberal caucus has subscribed to—it remains now for Mr Massey to do likewise. Mr Massey is holding his horses. The Governor-Gene-ral’s Speech maintained a golden silence on the point, and as Mr Massey would himself say, in unison with Mr Asquith’s oft repeated behest, we must “wait and sec.”
Theiie are signs that' all is not well within the party families. Mr Russell and Mr Hamm absented themselves from the Lberal caucus. The former was not present at the last caucus convened hv Mr MacDonald, and it has boon understood that Mr Russell had ambitions as an acting leader in preference to the selected member. Mr Hanan has ambitions to continue his education work, in respect to which he is willing always to receive bouquets. Both cx-Ministcrs have strong Liberal leanings to tlm point of radical action, and their next move will be awaited with interest. Tn the Reform party there is, also, a measure of disunion. It is being commented on that Sir James Allen is not taking up any of the extra work necessitated by t.ho rearrangement of portfolios. It. has been given out that he is busy with Defence, but as up till Mr Massey’s return ho was Acting Prime Minister, the excuse hardly passes. A political correspondent suggests that Mr Massey and Sir James do not see eye to eve about filling an important post, and this hint brings to mind at once tbo
almost immediate need of filling the /High Gommissionerskip which Sir Thomas Mackenzie is vacating shortly There are rivals for the position evidently, aud the difference of opinion must be acute when Sir James Allen Achilles-like, retires to his own department, and does not seek to aid his chief in the particularly heavy and bal’d task immediately .before him. These family squabbles must pass soon, for they will be swallowed up in the vortex of the general election, when each Minister must face his own constituency, and fight his own battle for political life.
The sudden passing of General Louis Botha this week removes a notable friend of Great Britain. Botha was a man of parts, and was a pillar of support to the Boer nation. It is a notable fact that lie opposed X. tiger’s war policy at the outset of the Boer War, but when, the inevitable conflict came he tirrew his whole weight into the war j on the side of his countrymen. He was ! one of the most elusive of the Boer gen- ! erals, and gave the British a very much harder military nut to crack there when they light-heartedly entered into this regrettable war. The British ver</ opposed by a new style of warfare. Veldt warfare was a novelty; and costly it was, as they became victims of the Boer tactics. In that great tragedy the honors were largely to the enemy, till force and blockade wore the enemy down, and the inevitable submission came. Botha bore himself no less nobly in defeat than in success, and when peace was consummated he saw in it the opportunity of cementing the nations and makig the Boer nation secure for all time. The masterstroke of the Liberal Government in giving the Boers home rule was probably influenced by such men as Botha and Smuts bolding sway in South Africa. The confidence has been well placed, for Mr Botha lias proved a firm friend of Great Britain and a staunch Imperialist out of gratitude for the consideration shown to the Transvaal and Free State Nations. Ho became the first Premier of Transvaal, and afterwards the first Premier of United South Africa. Besides being a.; farmer, lie cultivated a taste for music and letters, which predeliction discloses ! another side to this man’s remarkable character.
Prior to the Great War when discontent was rearing its hand in South Africa, probably influenced if not financed by German intrigue, General Botha did not hesitate to -deport several strike leaders to crush an industrial upheaval. When the war broke out General Botha took sides with Great Britain, and made a noble speech in sympathy with the cause espoused. In the South African fighting he was notably successful, having a complete triumph over the enemy in German South West Africa. This exploit enhanced his reputation as a. leader enormously. He had to deal drastically with a revolutionary rising organised by his countryman, De Wet in the autumn of 1014, and this also was subdued quickly. In 1917 his health was far from satisfactory, and he was compelled to make a rest. Last year with the war concluded, ano. peace being made, he in common with the Premiers of Oversea Dominions, was called to England. General Botha took a prominent part all through the deliberations, being no doubt ably supported by his henchman, General .Smuts, who was mainly responsible for the code of the League of Nations as the world has it to-day. Botha’s death will be deplored. He was one of the great men of his day, and with the troublesome times the world is wrestling with, a man of broad outlook and proved worth can ill be spared. He was a man with an unblemished record in his public life. He had to decide momentous questions for his country, and that he did decidedly wisely and well is evidence by the service South Africa has in turn been able to render the Empire. When it is considered that General Botha’s imperial spirit was a growth and development, rather thn a national inheritance, its real worth can be guaged, and his loss leaves a void which will be felt acutely in these times of difficulty and national trial.
It is fortunate of course, that there is at hand so influential an understudy as General Smuts to take the immediate place of General Botha. Mr Smuts is another friend of Britain by evolution. Ho, too, was an enemy of England’s, and fought with conspicuous success on the side of the Boers in that war. With the coming of peace, he realised no less than Botha, what the opportunities were, and when Great Britain did the proper thing, Smuts was no less loyal on his part. Mr Smuts is a man of marked ability, and is credited with being the “brains” of the South African Union. Reference has been made already to his part in framing the code of Ihe League of Nations, the principles of which he advocated with great success in Great Britain from 1917 on. Prior to that date he was commanding the British forces in the German East African campaign, succeeding General Dorrien, and making marked headway. He participated, also, with General Botha in the South African campaign, where lie became credited with much success. He was promoted to an lion. Lieut.-General’s position', made a Privy Councillor, and given tbo Freedom of London. General French who was opposed to General Smuts in the South African war, has referred to Mr Smuts as a great leader and groat statesman, and said he (Mr Smuts) would go down in history with other great names like Cromwell, Lee, Grant and others, as being illustrations of what is meant when horn leaders of men are spoken of. General French put his own position very happily when ho said he did not know which lie was proudest of—of having crossed swords with him, <ufought hv his side” South Africa is
fortunate indeed to have one like General Smuts so close at call to take the place so suddenly vacated by General Botha.
The Basingstoke by-election at Home lias a Dominion interest because Mr F. M. B. Fisher is a candidate. The cable news is featuring the cx-Now Zealanders contest with Air A. Henderson, who figured for a time as a very prominent Minister in Britain’s War Cabinet. Ah- Fisher will he re-
membered here for his inconsistency. He usod to quote that “consistency was the refuge of fools,” so to imply that lie was not a fool he elected to be not consistent!. He was the on J Reform Minister defeated- in the .ast general election, being beaten by Mr R. Fletcher, (Liberal) since demised, by a very large majority. The hoc gentleman then departed for. Englan to take up war work. It appears lie has been telling the people at Home that he gave up a Ministerial position in New Zealand to come -to England. That might be one way of putting it, but it should be explained that Mr. Fisher was in a minority of about 2,400 votes at the poll, and he was forced to “give-up” the Ministerial position by vox populi. Mr Fisher did not enter the Army because owing to the surplus of officers lie could not secure a commission! Asj the gentleman must have left New Zealand about 1915, it will be recalled that many commissions were open to be filled in the New Zealand as well as the British Army subsequent to that period. It will be necessary for the candidate to give a reason holding more water than that to account for his absence from active service. As t,o. his 'introduction to propaganda work, Lord Kitchener is dead and that cm not be verified, but in view of the doubt cast on his other statements some verification might be demanded. Altogether Mr l'islioi s attempt to enter Great Britain’s political arena does not appear to be very 1 roseate.
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Hokitika Guardian, 30 August 1919, Page 2
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2,285SATURDAY, AUGUST 30th„ 1919. THE WEEK . Hokitika Guardian, 30 August 1919, Page 2
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