THE CRISIS IN EGYPT.

Hokitika Guardian, 29 May 1919, Page 3

THE CRISIS IN EGYPT.

AND THE WAY OUT

CALL FOR QUICK ACTION

(By the Hon. George Peel, in the Lon-

don “Daily News.”)

i There is urgent need for prompt action in Egypt. Before I explain what we should do I must furnish a brief personal explanation as to why I write. 'After serving in the Dardanelles campaign with tho Royal Naval Division, I was transferred to Egypt, where I administered a Department under the Commander in .Chief. At the close of 1917, my health being temporarily impaired, I came home, and was elected to a seat in the House of Commons. At the opening of 1918, in consequeneo of lily anxiety as t-o the coming events in Egypt, I wrote an article in the “New Europe,” entitled “Self-Determination in Egypt,” in which I gave a plan of the reforms, which I considered necessary. On its appearance my dear, and lamented friend, Sir Mark Sykes, discussed it with me in all its bearings on behalf, as I gathered, of Lord Robert Cecil, and I was struck with his sound and enlightened views. Nothing, however, resulted. In this present Parliament I had intended to raise the question and to urge proper measures before it was too late. But to angle for the coupon appeared to me to be so improper that I took the course of wliat I con ceived to be honour, and, in consequence, I lost my seat, at the general election. Therefore, to niy pen. First, in order -to meet the present crisis, we should announce at once our intention of reverting to those liberal principles enunciated by Lord Pufferin in his State paper on Egypt, of February 6, 1883, and, above all, by Lord Kitchener in his great and memorable report on Egypt, dated March 28, 1914. Tho latter document consists in its in. Production of an elaborate defence for the extension of the scope of free institutions in Egypt. For that eminent man had set himself to reorganise tho the institutions set on foot by Lord ;Dufferin ou a liberal basis. “With regard to representative institutions in Egypt,” Lord Kitchener wrote that he had “decided to reform the existing procedure in a liberal manner,” and in his Legislative Assembly he was as good as liis word. Ho also passed a new electoial law “in order to obtain a more direct and equitable representation of the inhabitants.”

As regards the first elections held in December, 1913, he wrote: “Tlie elec, toral law has, in my opinion, especially in view of its novelty, to all concerned, worked extremely well. The elections were carried out in perfect order. The most successful icandidates were the local land-owners, personally known to the voters and carpet-baggers met with little success. Thus there was no coupon system. He added that “on the whole the composition of the new Chamber may bo considered satisfac. tory. It contains much good material in the shape of men knowing the real needs and desires of the country and able to givo expression to them. All this Du ff erin-K itch oner system has now been bundled out of sight. Get back to Liberalism! We must remember that in taking away free institutions from Egypt we have promised free institutions to In- ■ din. The_.nositioii is thus not very j sound lo ’y, and not very easy to !be defend, u Much more than this, ! tho British government, in establishing tho present Protectorate in December, 1914, publicly and solemnly pledged itself to remain faithful, in internal administration, to the policy of reform and economic progress, and promised to associate the governed in the task of government in such measure as the i enlightenment of public opinion permitted. The British Government also declared itself convinced that the clearer definition of Great Britain’s position in the country would accelerate progress towards self-government. This solemn pledge awaits specific fulfilment. We must not break our word.

The second step which should he taken is to dispatch a Commission at once to Eypt to enquire into the working of martial law. The administration of this law is an important factor in the present situation. In Egypt I

noticed no fewer than five administrations super-imposed and intortangled with each other—a native, a Foreign

Office, an international, an ecclesiastical, and lastly u military Government. For Egypt specialises in Governments. She collects old Governments as people here collect old china. She is the stud-farm of administrations. But re-

cently the process has been for the military administration to overlay and

oust all the other administrations that jostle each other in that land of chaos. Hence further dissatisfaction.

The third step to be taken is as regards the organisation of tlie Foreign Office in relation to Egypt. If the eminent officials of the Foreign Office who now deal with Egypt will allow me to say so without offence, they discharge their duty as ably and as efficiently as is possible without an adequate organisation. One of my suggestions last year was that they should have an Egyptian Department, which should keep track of all things Egyptian. But I am afraid they will tear mo limb from limb if I go on to suggest tluit they should take a leaf out of ihe

book of the India Office and should call in a few eminent' native Egyptians to their counsels. What 1 said, then in January, 1918, I say now with more emphasis and with more confidence, now that what I feared has happened. Act now! Do not delay! For, in the words of Lord Dufferin, written in 1883, in a moment of political inspiration, “the Egyptian is unexpectedly appreciative of his legitimate political interests and moral rights.” |