Hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, JANUARY 25th, 1912. THE WEEK.

Hokitika Guardian, 25 January 1919, Page 2

Hokitika Guardian & Evening Star SATURDAY, JANUARY 25th, 1912. THE WEEK.

The armistice has ran through its original course and has been renewed for a further month, which period will is sure to be further renewed, as it will be impossible to arrange the terms of peace in that period. Though tho

Allied representatives are igoing to dictate the terms, they cannot arrange their long list of terms in a month. Neither can the enemy arrange his affairs in tho time, unless he hurries his warring atoms into some decent cohesion. Moreover, though going to dictate, tho Conference must hear what the other .side has to sav on a vast variety of points before finally deciding the scope

of the dictation. There are repartitions punishments, and indemnities, aggregating in amount some thousands of millions. It is a question of what Germany and the Allies of Germany can pay. German Austria and Hungary have resources, but the greater iiart of che resources of the old Dual Kingdom were Czech, Slovak, Slav, and Italian. These cannot now lie drawn upon by the liberators of these peoples. Neither can Poland. Turkey can be made to pay in territory, and will be. Than chat nothing is more certain.

The Conference will have, it is evident, a good deal of apportioning to do in order to determine the share of Germany proper. The pacifists, who are mostly of the pro-German cult, of which the first article is that Germany must not bo humiliated, are beginning co declare, because of late very little has been said about these claims, that the Entente Powers arc recognising that forgiveness is not the best, but tho only way out. But the signs are all set the other way. For example, there is Marshal Focli’s demand for the execution of tho German officer responsible for the brutal treatment of certain prisoners, There is the statement recently cabled that the French Govern moilfc has formulated a very largti aggregate of claims, beyond those of reparation. We need not go into tile long list of claims that could be put together with a running pen, without pause, to examine or account or refer to any authoritative report. It is enough to say that it will take a good deal of time to go into all these things, if the German troubles were to bo unexpectedly swept away by a well-es-tablished Government within a month, the examination of all the demands of tlie Allies would prolong the Armistice well on into the summer.

lx connection with the dramatic ending of the great struggle which followod the application of the Central Powers for an armistice, it is now stated by the Paris Journal “Excelsior” that tho reason of the sudden stoppage of hostilities, following tile great push by the Allied forces, was that Marshal Focli’s great offensive was timed to begin oil November 12th. He could have carried the war into German territory. General Castelnati, commanding 600,000 French and American troops, with 3000 guns and 300 tanas, was preparing to attack on a 70-kilometre front in Lorraine, where the Duke of Wurteinburg commanded 100,000 men, with 1000 guns. Marshal Focli intended to cut olf the German armies lighting in the Ardennes and Belgium. The German command, learning of the proposed offensive, decided to a sic for an armistice.

The reference by the Peace Congress to an inter-AUied Commission on the proposals for the establishment of a League of Nations involves the acceptance by the Congress of the principle embodied in the proposals. The principle that peace should bo safeguarded by the imposition of obstacles—of whatever obstacles may practicably bo utilised—to the occurrence of future wars must, indeed make a universal appeal. But the question of the means which should lie employed to give effect to Ibe principle am! to make a living force of it, is one that is not so simple as it may he popularly supposed to be. The discussion which has been evoked by the proposals for the formation of a League of Nations sufficiently demonstrates the complexity and intricacy of the subject. It is interesting to be .told—-whether on good authority or not—that the scheme, suggested by Lord Robert Cecil as that upon which a League should be established is most likely to secure the approval of the Peace Congress. There are a good number of publicists who hold that the League should exclude Germany and her associates in crime.

Loud Robert Cecil in urging the no cessity of a League of Nations, reviewing the circumstances in which the great war burst upon the world says: CS uppo.se that after the . receipt of tho Serbian reply to the Austrian ultimatum, the Central powers had been compelied to submit the matter to an international conference and it bail been clearly established, as must necessarily have Happened, tnat tiie Serbian concessions had left not a shadow of excuse tor war-like action. It that naa occurred, it seems doubtful whether the Germanic Powers could have declared ; war. They could notliavo pretended even 1 to their own people that they were engaged in defensive operations. Moreover, they would have known beyond ; all possibility of mistake the strength ! of the forces ranged against them and such knowledge might well have made them pause. Finally, if they had, notwithstanding all, insisted on going to war, the element of surprise in their aggression would have been diminished or destroyed and they would have been thereby deprived of one of their chief weapons. Nor is this a special case. Discussion and delay must always make for peace. It always has been so in history and even where such expedients have failed to prevent hostilities, r believe that they have in aljnost every case circumscribed tho area of conflict.

In the case of an international dispute ho urged that all that would be necessary would be a treaty binding the signatories never to wage war themselves or permit others to wage war till a formal conference of nations has been held to inquire into, and if possible decide upon the dispute. It is probably true at least in theory, that decisions of such a conference, like all other international proceedings, would have to he unanimous to be binding. But since the important thing is to secure delay and open discussion —that is to say, time to enablo public opinion to act and information to instruct it—this is not a serious objection to tho proposal. Indeed from one point of view, it is an advantage since it avoids any interference with national sovereignty except the interposition of a delay in seeking redress by force of jijrms. That is fjlie essential thing, and to. secure it the treaty would require each of the signatories to use their whole force economic as well a’s military, against any'nation that forced on war before a conference had been held. To that extent and to that extent only, international coercion would be necessary.