THE HOHENZOLLERNS.

Hokitika Guardian, 14 December 1918, Page 4

THE HOHENZOLLERNS.

. —-*•- - g< In view of the abdication of the G Emperor of Germany aud tbe specu- e: latious concerning the future of him- n: self and bis dynasty, the appearance c( of 44 William Hohenzollern and Co.” ii by Mr E. L. Fox is opportune. Mr “ Fox is au American journalist who a visited Germany ou three separate y occasions, in .915, 1918 aud 1917, v aud, as Germany was at that time anxious to cultivate American opinion, was given exceptional facilities for . seeing and doing things by the authorities. He devotes a good deal of space to the question of the Emperor’s responsibility. Of course, William II of Germany must shoulder (the formal responsibility for the war, for his was the supreme power, his the hand that signed the mobilisation order. But how far was he acting on his own initiative and how far was he the instrument of his entourage, the tool of a camarilla of unscrupulous advisers ? Mr Fox does not attempt to give any final verdict, but lie suggests that in the earlier years of his reigu William I t had geuuine leanings towards peace, that as time went on he fell more and more under the influence of the army, the navy, aud the 44 big business” interests (the last-named of which saw in war the only method of repairing their precarious fortunes), and that at last he identified himself almost completely with the bellicose elements of Ger- i many. I “ Conceptions of tbe Kaiser,” ob- ; serves tbe author, 44 have been written, presenting him as an arch-hypocrite, the greatest actor in the world, and j as a madman. But Mr Fox thinks j that he is neither a charlatan, a j poseur, nor a lunatic, “He is dan- i gerously sincere,” a super egotist who has supreme confidence iu himself and J the destiny of the German people. He | is a religious fanatic, the essence of whose creed is the diviie right by ' which he holds his sceptre and the divine inspiration of his words and * deeds. He thinks himself literally above the law; he is the Lord’s 1 anointed who can do no wrong; through him the Germany that he ‘ rules enjoys a like immunity. His is 3 a state of religious mysticism akin to 1 that which Browning las analysed iu 1 “ Johannes Agricola ; ” it is not mad--1 ness, though it may become madness. Y And because of this conception of him--3 self he takes himself very seriously 1 both iu his role of monarch arid cornL ’ mander in chief. He is no figuree head. Though his general staff makes Y the plans, the ultimate decision al svays 3 rested with the Emperoi’, who was often called upon to settle the filial " military policy. For instance, in 1915, ■ Falkeuliayn, then Chief of Staff, proposed au offensive in France, and i guaranteed the fall of Verdun; Hin- [. denburg strongly opposed this, holde ing that Russia should be dealt o another blow, which would put her 1 out of the war once and for all. . William II decided in favour of f Falkenhayn’s plan, aud when the a latter failed to redeem his promise relieved him of his command. The 0 Emperor is also said to have dictated j the movements which exposed the I German flank iu the first battle of the r Marne. When the General Staff was j clamouring for unrestricted sabinarinism and the Foreign Office was :) resisting, it was the Emperor’s verdict that gave victory to the staff. These three iustauces show the reality j of his power; the major decisions were 3 left to him, and be exercised his judgment independently, though usually with disastrous results. l In the Germany of which Mr Fox I writes, the Emperor “ ever holds his 3 hand on the war pulse.” No doubt the General Staff would prefer him * in Berlin, for William II is no r Napoleon. 44 But he spent more time ’ at the front than at home. Wherever the situation seems critical, there goes the Kaiser to encourage his | troops. Wherever a great victory ! has beeu won, there goes the Kaiser—--1 to thank liis troops. Whenever a new couutry has been captured, Servia, Roumania, there goes the Kaiser—to ' strike awe into the hearts of the captive populace, awe and respect for the Prussian eagle. Wherever an ally is becoming a little uneasy—there goes the Kaiser to stiffen weak backs and

bolster tottering causes. . . . The Imperial ego is such that he believes his presence at the trout is a force equal to 60,000 men, a force of inspiration,” and seeing the enthusiasm with which soldier and civilian alike greeted the Emperor wherever he weut, Mr Fox wondered whether he might not after all be right. But there was another side to it. Would the people hold to him through thick and thin; would their devotion, sincere enough in victory, stand the test of adversity ? In defeat the reaction might be even greater, because of the divine infallibility which the Emperor had claimed. Mr Fox does not pretend to have the gift of prophecy, hut, like others, early in 1917 he foresaw the possibility of a colossal smash in which the house of Hohenzollern would come crashing down amidst the debris of a wrecked German Empire. The Emperor’s vivid and complex personality is the centre round which all things German revolve, but incidentally Mr Fox gives some interest- ! ing glimpses of the lesser orbs, the generals and Chancellors who have played brief parts in the war; the Crown Prince, who is by no means the fool of contemporary caricature, i but a very shrewd young man, who knew the value of advertisement, and had very successfully consolidated his position in Germany. Mr Fox holds that while the father was no ! actor the son was a first-rate one. As tho commander of an army, he was wise enough to invite and follow j the advice of more experienced soldiers. The author has also a good deal to say about the Krupps, Ballin, Prince Max, other celebrities, and | their work in the wax’, and he closes I with a note of warning, Let no one ! be under any illusion about Germany’s 1 determination and ability to resume ' her commercial activities, and recap- 1 lure what she has lost. Pier factories ' have kept going, and she will be in a position to “dump” quantities of commodities. The dismantling of the Belgian and French factories was no i mere war measure, it was intended to .

take effect in peace as well; for it will lie years before these industries get going again. For some time iu Germany a commission of industrial experts has been making arrangements for the renewal of aggressive commercial expansion. Indeed, writing of 1917, Mr Fox declares that “ Germany is paying almost as much attention to the economic war that will come with peace, as she is to the war to-day.”