THE NEW ERA.

Hokitika Guardian, 28 May 1918, Page 4

THE NEW ERA.

THE DEMOCRATIC SAFEGUARD. (b“.) I find it necessary do refer again to the Russian revolution. A revolution mav be justified where there is a corrupt and autocratic dynasty which can only be overthrown by such means ; or where a foreign nation places its yoke upon the shoulders of mi unwilling people. Under a democracy where the people govern themselves a revolution is unthinkable, it cannot b ■ a revolution though it may he a civil war in which minority sections rise against the majority. ' Mow the last page of the Russian revolution has not vet been written, and the truth of what, really happened is not all known. But some of the facts are clear There was a strong pro-German element in Russia, which the Czarina naturally encouraged and protected; and when the Czar determined to stand by Servia and to loyally stand by his allies, the French ' arid British, this element was utilised, > first in weakening the effective power of Russia in the war; and secondly, in discrediting the Czar in the eyes of the people, and precipitating the revolution for which Russia was ripe. Now Germany didn’t want a revolution in Russia - neither of course did tlm Azarina—but they did want to force Russia to make peace with Germany. Probably it will be found that, whatever the faults of the Czar ho absolutely declared to dishonor the nation by abandoning his allies Then the other machinery of intrigue was set to work. The Rasputin affair is now exposed as nothing hut a German plot—in which the Czarina unconsciously participated aimed at discrediting the dynasty and overthrowing the sovereign. It worked well. In the name of the Czar things were done—dishonorable and treacherous things—without his knowledge or sanction. But the effect was startling. The army finding itself betrayed, and as they bad reason to tln'iik by the Czar himself, joined with the peasantry and promptly and effectually overthrew the dynasty and made Russia a Democratic Republic. Then must have come a very anxious time for Germany. Kerensky, the accredited head of the revolution announced that Russia woitld honorably maintain its alliance with the Allies and would vigorously prosecute the war as a democracy lighting side by side with the allied democracies for the future of the world. But circumstances were too strong for Kerensky. « The German intrigue which had precipitated the revolution for its own ends did not intend to let it remain as Kerensky intended. The conditions were as favorable as they possibly could have been for the enemy designs. The disgusted and betrayed army bad enough of fighting ; the emancipated peasantry, utterly ignorant, wished only to seize the-land; hordes of released prisoners returned from Siberia with hate in their hearts and anarchist theories in their softened brains. These elements Were not prepared to reason sanely about democratic governments and national honor. They wanted blood and plunder.' Kerensky might even then have pulled through and saved the country had he been given time. But the Germans struck before be conld get, the democratic machinery in working order—before he could get a representative national assembly together. All the criminal scum, with Lenin and Trotsky at their head, their pockets bulging with German money, organised the Bolsheviki, and tho first Russian National Assembly met only to be'' dispersed at the point of the bayonet. An orgy of “ frightfulness ” according to the most approved German methods then broke out. A bogus peace was then declared by Germany, first with the Ukraine and then with the Bolsheviki which now declared itself to be the Russian Government. TJien came.the final act of the drama —fat least the final up to date—the entry of the Germans into occupation to suppress the “ frightfnlness ” their jiaid tools had instigated, and to take Russia under its protection. Such is the history of the “glorious eonqnest ” of Russia by the Germans. But Germany is now over-reaching itself It lias shown too soon, by annexing and plundeiing territory how, through the Bolsheviki, it has tricked and fooled Russia. Even the Bolsheviks themselves, consisting probably only in part ot paid tools of Germany, and partly of mad brained fanatics, have had to protest against German treatment—even to the puerile threat of mobilising armies they had destroyed. They have aroused amongst the peasantry such resentment, that it would seem at present that Germany must keep a fairly large army in occupation of the territory she has “ conquered ” until such time as the Allies force her to “ drop the swag.” To avoid this no donbt Germany would be prepared to make almost any peace terras 'with the Allies if they would allow her a free hand in Russia. But the restitution which is being so firmly and righteously insisted on in the case of Belgium will, we may believe, be equally sternly insisted on in the ease of Russia, even though that unfortunate country, brought to the dust, not by German arms but by German intrigue, betrayed its Allies. . I have given this brief outline of the Russian situation as an important

point is involved. The first revolution—or the revolution proper—changing Russia-from an autocracy to a democracy was-welcomed by all the Allies, and the representatives of the new democracy were everywhere accredited. The second stage —the civil war—which turned the democracy before it conld be properly established into an anarchist pandemonium was the work of Germany, and that is the reason the Bolsheviks are not recognised by the Allies, who know well they do not represent the Russian .people. That is tho reason why the Allies, though Russia "has failed them, have no quarrel with the the Russian people. Therefore we know that when-it-is stated t-liat the Allies wished to crush the Russian revolution and force the Russian people again into slavery under the autocracy of the Czar -that the statement is a lie —and a lie made in Germany

Democracy, the government of the people, by the people and for the people is the only known safeguard against the oppression of the masses—and against revolution. -People who govern themselves cannot rise against themselves. But democracy is not tlie government of the people by a section of the people. Sectional interests can never override the interests of the people as a whole. But from the days of the historic seven tailors of Toole}" Street, whose' petition to Parliament was headed, “We the British nation,” until the present day this simple and obvious fact does not seem to be generally realised. We see, day by day, some small section of the community—infinitesimally small sometimes— “ demanding ” this, that, and the other. Two or three men get together a “public meeting” and “demand” that the Government shall do what that rfieeting considers to be right or necessary, even though it may mean setting aside the laws made by the 'people’s Parliament. And this “demand” is wired through from end to end of the country. Oh that people had a true sense of perspective—and a-sense of humor, Sii’ George Grey once tried to explain to some children that they should not do damage to the parks because these were public pr perry and as such were their own property. The next day the children asked him why, as the park belonged to them, they could not each have a bit to make a garden for themselves. But is this really more childish than the atttitucle of men and women who think that because the Governmenc represents the people of the country it must do as they •• demand.” We all know that a Government so weak as to be swayed by demands from various sections of the community made on it would be utterly useless. The whole system of Government would be a farce and our condition chaotic.

The safeguards the people have is a liberal or universal franchise, which is essential. To this will probably be added in the future the power or “recall,” that is, the right of any constituency under certain safeguards to get rid of a representative who no longer can truly claim to represent them. Someone will probably later on invent a more comfnonsense franchise system. But the principle of democratic or truly representative system is the true safeguard of our rights and liberties. Oh yes, I know the argument made in Germany—that the present Parliament of New Zealand is no longer representative in-.that it has exceeded its term of office; that it refuses to go to tlie people at- the time appointed ; that it is therefore acting unconstitutionally and the people are being governed by order-in-council instead of by theirtruerepresentativ.es. Yes, and I know too to what this argument is intended to lead ; to the spread of disaffection and the hampering of the Government in its prosecution of the war.

But the argument is unsound. At the time the war broke out our Parliament was a. truly representative one, properly elected by the people. As such it entered into certain solemn covenants and agreements with the Mother Country as to the support it would give in the carrying on of the war. It was a weak and divided Parliament from a party poiut of view—-thanks to the defection of the Labor party from the Liberal party—but it was strong and unanimous in its war policy. That was the one thing that mattered—overshadowing all others. In so far as it loyally carries nut this will the Government be judged by the people of New Zealand. Pledges overe given to Great Britain which .must be carried out to the letter, and until these are fulfilled—and that will be when the war ends—there will be no change of government in New Zealand. Pledges were given as to a truce in party politics between tlie two equally divided political parties ; these pledges must also be respected as they were made by the people’s representatives on behalf of the people. If then there can be no change in Government, if there car be no party issue, an election would be a costly farce, the more so as thousands of our electors are away doing their duty for their country and for humanity. Our democratic rights have not been taken away ; the exigencies of war have caused them- to be suspended, and suspended with the sanction of the people of New Zealand, who have made for the sake of the Empire greater sacrifices than this.

But a final tvord of warning to those who are endeavoring to stir up strife, to hinder the Government in the carrying out of its duty and its pledges to the Empire. It is a mistake made by democracy sometimes that it deals too leniently with offenders. We have an illustration before ns just now in the case of those fomenting rebellion in Ireland. Several of those who were sentenced to death for treason were reprieved and liberated, and with what result. The clemency shown was taken as an expression of weakness, and those whose lives -had been spared and whose liberties had been returned to them straightway joined the enemy in fomenting a bigger and more dangerous plot. The British people well remember the lesson The people are very -much in earnest and disinclined to stand nonsense. This is no. time for demagogues, and agitators and prattling fools. These must be prevented from doing damage, and < lie people of New Zealand wilDlook to its Government, that the necessary precautions are taken. This is part of the duty—the one great duty—that the. Government is there to perform.