MAN POWER BILL.

Hokitika Guardian, 12 April 1918, Page 1

MAN POWER BILL.

DISCUSSED IN THE COMMONS

THE SECOND READING. LONDON, April 10

In the House of Commons, Mr Cave; in moving the second reading of the Man Power Bill, was subjected to a considerable Nationalist interruption, until the Speaker intervened. Mr Cave ■ .said the Government believed that Irish conscription was worth while, if only fivo divisions were obtained. They did not believe that the Army was necessary to enforce conscription. • There were already considerable troops in Ireland for the preservation of order. Though Home Rule and conscription were not intended as two sides of a bargain, Ireland could not get Home Rule more easily than by fighting the united Kingdom’s battle.

Mr Hobhouse moved an amendment that, while recognising the gravity of the military situation, and the urgent .necessity of giving all possible support to the Allied forces, the House of Commons opined that the Bill diminished the nation’s naval and economic power without adding commensurate military strength. The supporters of the amendment drew Mr Lloyd George’s attention to his statement regarding the encev’s strength as being inferior on the 'West Front. If this was so, they asked him why we had not taken advantage of our superiority to assume the offensive. The proposals, it was stated, would produce an avalanche of unfit men, of whom probably loss than three per cent would be useful for military purposes. The Army is now making no effective use of lower grade men.

Mr Dillon stated that the events in J 1 ’ranee were the only justification for the Bill, but the proposals could not have any possible effect in redressing the recent misfortunes. The comb out scheme would provide real reinforce, rnonts, and the raising of the age limit was unnecessary. He believed the trouble at the Front was not the lack of men but was due to the system of promoting officers. The old gang, lie said, was still in control of the Army, lie described the Bill as a delusion and

an attempt- to blind the people of the teal state of affairs and for the purpose of diverting public attention from the causes of the disasters at- the front. The Irish bishops had warned the Government that the Bill would break down law and order in Ireland. Irish opposition would become formidable because it would be a conflict wherein 'England was morally wrong. 'I he had influence would consequently spread to America and Australia. He believed the Government was enforcing; conscription in order to escape its Home Hole pledge. He challenged the Government to take a plebiscite in Ireland on conscription which would yield probably no more than 80,000 troops, and imperil Britain’s food supply. If the deed was persisted in, Britain’s moral position before the world would be gone. Air Asquith gravely doubted whether raising the age limit would produce the expected results. He had been overwhelmed with communications from ah ports of the country pointing out that the proposal would be denuding vital businesses of the remaining indispensable men. Ho himself believed the result, would not increase, but diminish, the national efforts available for war. He regretted that the tribunals were swept away, thus preventing the consideration of special cases. Irish con. seription was already rejected twice or thrice by the Government. It would have been much easier to carry it out two years ago. It should not be imposed without Ireland’s general consent,' which was not forthcoming. It way only imposed on Britain when the general assent had been secured. In a free Empire we must take things and communities as they are. The additional man power from Ireland, hy conscription, would not balance the drawbacks of Irish revolutionary movements which were now waning, and it would be a terribly short sighted step to accompany Home Rule with this obnoxious proposal. He concluded by appealing to all parties to endeavour to reconcile Ireland to the Etnpire in order to preserve an unbroken front. Air llonar Law said the Government had agreed to Air Asquith’s suggestion to give more time to the consideration of the Bill, which would necessarily create controversy. The Government did not wish to aggravate discord, and must justify the proposals. It was useless to conceal the position from ourselves. What, had happened in France was not expected, and that was why the Government had introduced the Bill. Until tlie commencement of the battle the balance of forces was not against the Allies. Under these circuni. stances the Government as well as Allied military advisers believed, if tlie enemy attacked, wo ran no danger of anything fatal happening.

Continuing, Mr Bonar Law said the Commoners were repeatedly asking why we did not exercise the initiative even if the Government or any leaders ought to to be changed The demand for men remained and unless we, were prepared to face tliOj position we must be prepared to face defeat A successful offensive against entrenched positions was only possible with the whole weight if the Allies Government established unity of command, believing that if the Allied armies were used as one ‘army, what was now a dangerous situation might be changed to. our advantage. If the enemy fails in his present plans the result will be most serious for him. He would consider the Hon Mr Asquith’s suggested maximum of age to 48. The Germans would persist month after month. The Government’s figures showed that unless the casualties became much heavier, the most critical time will be at the end of May or June. If the battle lasted another eight months, the men now being recruited, would be available therefore we must not unneces-

sarily delay. The Government was aware of the inevitable effect on trade and industry, and had deliberately made up its mind that a risk must be taken in the face of the greater risk of believing that it might mean the ditforence between victory and defeat, if the Government announced that the life of the nation was at stake, but could not ask Ireland to help, or then it would have been the end of Home •Rule. It was a mistake to suppose that the Government introduced Irish conscription as a pious opinion. They intended to carry it out,. (Cheers) It was formerly estimated that Ireland would provide 120,000 men, but new conditions gave many more. The G<)Vernment deliberately weighed advantages and disadvantages. If they were wrong, the Government should he changed. Mr Bonar Law concluded by inviting the opponents to Irish conscription to oppose the Second Reading. If the country thought the Government was making a mistake the present- Government was prepared to support any other Government carrying on the war.

A BIG MAJORITY. LONDON April 11. The second reading of the ManRower Bill was carried by 323 to 100.

AN EXTRAORDINARY SCENE LONDON April 11

An extraordinary scene took place at the closing of the debate on the Man Rower Bill. Sir Auckland Geddes rose to sum up and the Nationalists, calling for the Irish Secretary, shouted: “Duke!” “Duke!” The Speaker vainly appealed for order, and there was a scene lasting for a quarter of an hour, though Mr Dillon appealed to his friends to allow Sir Auckland Geddes to he heard. Finally, Mr Bonar Law pointed out that Mr Duke intended to speak on Irish matters later. Continuing Sir Auckland Geddes said that the Army authorities and Chief of Imperial Staff considered the Bill as vitally necessary, and there was no alternative, except to let the Armies down. It was certain, he said, that the Parliament of the country would never do this. The closure of the debate was carried. Mr C. E. Hobhouse’s amendment 'was defeated by 321 to 108. WASHINGTON Am il 10.

.Mr Hazelton, Irish Nationalist M.P-, on being interviewed in New York said that the enforcement of conseriptfon in Ireland would spell tragedy and utter disaster. Mr T. P. O’Connor Nationalist M.P., for .Tiverpol East who is iii America declared that conscription would paralyse friends and entourage our bitterest enemies. Such an insane blunder would render futile the best efforts of Irish leaders everywhere.