DEVELOPMENTS IN IRELAND.

Hokitika Guardian, 26 February 1918, Page 4

DEVELOPMENTS IN IRELAND.

, (The Round Table, December.) At the time of the last Irish article the Convention held the centre of the'stage in Irish, politics. .In a sense it may be said still to do so. Everyone is aware of its importance and looks forward to its conclusions; but the charm of novelty has worn

off, and the secrecy which still veils the proceedings allows the public interest little to feed upon. Meanwhile outside events of a more or less sensational character have on more than one occasion threatened to make all the Convention’s work

ineffective. It £s natural that' this fact should lead to recriminations. There is, perhaps, no charge so darkly damaging or so easily made in these days as that of conspiring to wreck the Convention. There are those who suggest—and they are not confined to the chosen orators of the Nationalist Party—that a deliberate intention exists in high official quarters to bring about this result by “ Hidden Hand ” methods. Others charge Sinn Fein with darker intentions than the silent contempt with which it professes to regard" the 'Convention. are matters which must be left to speculation, of which there is no lack in Ireland. It will suffice here to record the actual facts.

The death of Thomas Ashe was the culminating event of a series of Clashes between the Irish Executive and the Sinn Feiiiers. Meetings had been proclai med,arms seized and' many persons arrested for such offences as drilling, carrying weapons or uttering incitements to rebellion in speeches. Among those arrested in this way were a group of men well known as - leaders, most of whom had already been imprisoned at Eewes on the charge of complicity in the rising of Easter Week. A hunger strike was begun at Cork, and the prisoners were then brought to Dublin and lodged in Mountjoy Prison, presumably in order that they might be under the supervision of the highest- authorities. They proceeded, as is shown by the evidence at the inquest, to organise a committee and to appoint leaders, as was done at Dewes, and to con-

tinue the hunger strike. Forcible feeding was resorted to with tragic results in the case of Thomas Ashe. The verdict found by the jury was probably a fairly accurate reflection of public feeling. But, apart from details which stand out from the rest because of their sensational charateristics, the policy of both sides remains the same". The extremists continue to hold their meetings, wear their uniforms, and carry out military operations. The Government continue to arrest in some cases, to proclaim some meetings, and to turn a blind eye in other cases. As a consepuence they lay themselves open to attacks on the one hand for acting in a provocative manner, on the other for being weak-kneed. Sup--5 porters of Sinn Fein claim that the Executive is trying to terrorise them; the Nationalist Party supports this allegation by the statement that the “Castle” is implicated in a plot to break up the Convention. Unionists on the other hand—as represented by the Irish Times and the Northern Whig—has announced that Mr Duke’s weakness makes his recall imperative. The average citizen cannot help being struck by the fact that to be sufficiently strong I to impress the public seems to be a a guarantee against being arrested. It is certainly hard to discover any I justification for a \ policy , which allows Mr De Valera to be at large while others are arrested for sediJtious speeches, or which contemplates with equanimity the spectacle . of an imposing quasi-military I funeral conducted in the capital gj city, while it sends a force of police to arrest boy scouts belonging to the same organisation for drilling in a field in the country.

Whatever may be the ultimate political fate of this country, stable conditions are impossible so long at the present system of'government continues, together with the fluctuating policy which it seems ineviti ably to pursue. The fluctuation I has not iailed to have its effect on Ithe Convention. The news of Ashe’s death, announced during the visit to Cork (where hostile elements were very' much in evidence)had roused some members to a considerable state of excitement; the concessions made in respect of his funeral had a correspondingly exasperating effect on others. In the same way the rumour which gained credence at one time that Mr De Valera had been arrested threatened the peace of the Conven)tion and even of the country, while the failure to interfere with him at [ all made Ulster members deeply distrustful. Truly, the science of constitution-making must be a hard one to practise in the atmosphere in which Ireland lives to-day:. It is doubly reassuring to find that in spite of all disturbances the Convention continues to maintain harmony and to make progress. Once only has the veil been lifted—when on the last day of the Session in Cork Sir Horace Plunkett was able in a speech made tor. publication to report that the stage of general discussion had been brought to an eud and that various schemes would now be submitted to a committee tor drafting purposes. This marks real and substantial progress, and we must be content to wait patiently until another stage is safely'' reached.

Two further complications in the situation have to be considered. The first is the beginning of the Parliamentary Session, the second the holding of the Sinn Fein Convention in Dublin. The former event may be considered of a disaster from the Irish point cTf view. If. the leaders of the Irish parties who represent them in the Convention could have been persuaded to issue an inverted “ whip ” to the members of their party urging them to stay away from Parliament they would thereby have done the country a great service. Nothing could have been lost, for Parliament will take no action on. Irish

matters until the Convention comes to an end. As this drastic measure was not carried out we have been driven back on the old unrealities—the stage armies causing infinite I smoke with their blank cartridges, confusing the people, with no hope of practical results. In two debates the Irish parties, which , seemed likely to compose , their differences under the shelter of the Convention, have relapsed into their old attitudes. The admission of the Irish question into the Representation of the People Bill first revived party strife. Mr Redmondywas bound to claim the benefits of a wider tranchise for Ireland, because the Sinn Feiners had said in the country that he dared not do so, as the wider franchise would be fatal to his party. But once he\ put forward the claim that Ireland should be included in the Bill, it was inevitable that the Ulstermen v should -demand redistribution. So the party fight was joined once more. The onlv method of averting it would have been for the Government to refuse absolutely to entertain the idea of Ireland being included in any part of the Bill,. on : the ground that it 'did not' propose to make any changes in the system . of representation in Ireland, how* : ever beneficial and however over- ;• due, until the Convention had re- ; ported. . Mr Redmond’s motion of censure

on the Irish Executive also contributed something to party bitterness, and, on the whole, it is a matter of congratulation that it passed off so smoothli r as it did. Tins was perhaps due to a universal sense of the unreality of the debate. In general it may be said that Uiere is a very widespread feeling of resentment throughout Ireland at the reopening of the Parliamentary combat —a fact which is perhaps the j best augury tor the future of the j Convention. The two-day meeting of the Sinn j Fein Convention deserves more attention. This was probably the first occasion in history when a large number of delegates have been known to assemble in an open and ' orderly manner in the Mansion , House of a capital city for the' avowed purpose of framing a con- ; stitution which would enable them to overthrow the Government under i whose'auspices, so to speak (tor the ; police were oil duty at the door), ; they met. Cynical people expected, ; and enemies constantly looked for- ] ward to, a split such as has marred J so many Irish movements. Indeed, | there were some threatening.*! ofj this in Madame Markievicz’s attack i on Professor McNeill ; but the , danger was averted, and in the j election of officers and committee I all parties achieved representation. : The retirement of Mr Arthur

Griffiths from the presidency in favour of Mr De showed the quality of diplomacy at work. The main business done, besides the elections, was the adoption of a constitution and a scheme of organisation which gives to what was hitherto a chaotic body of feeling a definite political system. This result, while obviously a step forward on the part of Sinn Fein, may also be considered a. hopeful sign in so far as it’forces the leaders both to announce a constructive policy and to consider carefully and in a rational manner the policies of other parties—including that of the Convention. As a matter of fact, it appears that various schemes which * are at pres&nt before the Convention were discussed at some length by the rival body (which points to a certain amount of leakage somewhere), and, although they were i naturally not approved, the fact of their discussion reveals a significant and satisfactory tendency. The policy of the Sinn Fein Convention was somewhat vague in outline, but quite definite in pur- ! pose. Briefly stated; the intention is to get rid of English government and English influence and to obtain international recognition of Ireland as an independent Statje. Once this objective is achieved, the people of Ireland are to be left free to adopt whatever form ot government they think best. The question of physical l force seemed to be a somewhat delicate one and provoked some difference of opinion; an academic resolution was finally passed which practically amounted to a.statement that all good Sinn B'einers ought to be prepared to risk their lives for their principles if called upon to do so. The declaration that “ any and every means ” should be used to expel England drew a protest from two priests, who wished to put in a limiting clause. Mr De Valera met this objection by affirming that the j members might be trusted to confine themselves to ethical and legitimate proceediugs. Perhaps the most remarkable part of the whole meeting Was. the rendering of a financial statement showing the amount spent on the various elections, 6n salaries, travelling expenses, printing, etc. The total funds accounted for were less than ASOOO, and a balance of £I OOO was carried forward—a result which should cause envy to many an administrator. The statement was made, in refutation of the charges of “ German money,” that every penny of this fund was collected in Ireland. It-would be interesting, however, to know how much was spent simultaneously on the same objects by bodies technically different, such as the Irish Republican Brotherhood ; it is in the interrelation of these bodiesthatthe mystery of the present Irish situation lies. The economic position continues grave. The appointment of an Irish Food Control Committee—, and a very good one at that —is a welcome though belated advance. At present most of its work has been confined to the discovery of ithe many iniquities which exist, and the Ministry of Food appears most reluctant to give it the powers which it must have to make it effective. Meanwhile a milk famine in Dublin has been narrowly averted, and at the time of writing serious industrial disturbances, including a bakers’ strike, are threatening us. These and similar matters must be reserved for separate treatment. Dublin, November, 1917.