SPEECH TO CONGRESS.

Hokitika Guardian, 13 February 1918, Page 1

SPEECH TO CONGRESS.

FULLEST- DETAILS. OF Ml). WILSON’S REPLY. rAU.SfHAI.IAN- it N.Z. CABLE ASSOCIATION & JIEUTEH.]

WASHINGTON February 11. Addressing the Congress to-day President Wilson said, foliowing his and Mr [Lloyd George’s addresses on the subjects oi' the war, Hortling and Czernin had replied on the 24th. He said it was gratifying to have' our desire s’ promptly relieved that all exchanges be made in the hearing of all the world. C/.eniia's reply is uttered in a. very friendly tone, and having found in m,V statement a sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his own Government,, justify him in believing that it furnishes a basis for u more detailed discussion of the purposes by the two Governments. He Vhas been represented to have intimated that I knew beforehand his views; hut as a matter of fact I had-received no intimation thereauent There is no rear j son why lie should communicate with me privately and I am quite content to lie one of his public audience. Hertling’s reply is very vague and confusing, and full of equivocal phrases; but.it is in a, very different tone from Czprnill’s, and apparently of opposite purpose. It seems to confirm the .unfortunate impression made by what wo learned of the Brest Litovsk Conference. His discussion ain\_ acceptance of our general principles lead him to no practical conclusion. Me refuses to apply them to substantive- items. He. follows international action and international counsel, and lie accepts the principle of public diplomacy ; hut insists that it he confined in this case to generaltios and wants particulars on questions of territory and sovereignty discussed and mottled severally by the Nations mostimmediately concerned by interest or neighbourhood. He agrees that tin seas should ho free; but looks askance at any limitation of that freedom by International action in the interests of common order. He will he glad in see economic balh’iers removed between nation and nation, as that in no way will impede the ambitions of the qjilitnry party with whom he seems constrained to keen on ternis. He does not raise objection to limitation of

■uTiiainents ; but he thinks that the -'matter will he settled of itself by economic conditions which must follow tile war. lie demands a return, without debate, of the German colonies, and will discuss only with the Russians what disposition is to ho made of the ’Baltic provinces and peonies; only with The French the conditions under which French territory is to he evacuated, anift only with Ansria what is to he done with Poland. * Regarding the Balkans, lie refers to

Austria and Turkey, and concerning llie non-Turkish peoples of the present Ottoman 'Empire, the Turkish authorities themselves.

Once all these questions are settled

bv individual concession and barter, he would have no objection to a league of nations which would undertake to hold the new balance of power steady against external disturbance. However, no peace can be arrived at in such a fashion to be acceptable to the world, ■That wa's the method of the Congress of Vienna, land we are in:vite/l to return to that period • The peace of the world is at stake, and we are striving for a new international order, based upon the broad universeal principles of right ud justice. So mere peace of shreds and patches. [t is possible that Hertliiig does not see, and does not grasp that or is he in fact living in thought in a world dead and gone. Has he forgotten the Reichstag resolutions of 19th July, or does lie deliberately ignore them. They spoke of a general peace, not a national aggrandisement or arrangements between State, and State.

Permanent peace must be, attained, aiul this is not possible unless the problems are dealt with in a. spirit ol unselfish. unbiassed justice.

If, as Hertling proposes, territorial settlements and political relations of great populations are to be determined by tbe. contracts of power governments why not economic questions also ? Justice and tbe riglits of peoples affect whole trend of international dealing, as much as access to raw material, and equal conditions of trade. Hurtling wants an essential basis of commercial and industrial life to he safeguarded by common agreement, and guarantee; hut.ho cannot expect that to he conceded him if the other articles of Peace, are not handled in the same way. He cannot ask the benefit of a common agreement in one field without according it in the other. Czernin seems to see the fundamental elements of peace with clear eyes, and seems to obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland is «■ matter of European concern; that Belgium must bo evacuated, and restored; that National aspirants must ho satisfied, even with his own Empire, in the common interest of Europe and of mankind. He is naturally silent about questions touen ing the interest and purpose of his Allies, because ho feels constrained I suppose, to defer to Turkey and Geimanw in the circumstances; but he feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of Peace, as expressed by the United States, with less embarassment than could Germany. He would piobably have gone further but for the embarrassments of Austria’s alliances, and her dependanco on Germany. After all the test of whether it is possible for cither Government to go any further in this comparison ol view s, is simple and obvious; the principles being these: — First, each -part of the final settlorqent must be based on the essential justice of that particular cape, and upon

such adjustments as are most likely to bring permanent peace. Second: That peoples and provinces nniSt not be bartered about as if they were mere chattels and pawns in the game. However, the groat game is now forever discredited of the balance of power. Third: Every territorial settlement involved in ttiis war must be made in tlie interest and for the benefit of tin populations concerned, and not as an adjustment or compromise by rivai States.

Fourth: All well defined National aspiration s shall be accorded the id most satisfaction that can he 'accorded them without introducing or perpetuating discord and antagonism that would bo likely in time to break the peace oi -Europe, and the world in general.

Pence on such foundations can b< discussed, and until then we lone i choice but to go these principles, nov universally recognised, except by t’’ military amfi.annexationist party ii Germany. /

Wo*entered this war upon no sine! occasion. AVc can never turn back from the course chosen upon a principle. Oui resources are properly "mobilised, ant wc shall not pause until they are mobilised in their entirety.

Our armies are rapidly going to tlic figliting front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put in this war of emancipation, having set our hand to the task ol achieving a new order, under which reason and justice and the .''olllllloll interest o ! mankind shall prevail, we shall not turn back. \

I have thus spoken that the whole world may know the spirit of America ; that our passion for justice and selfgovernment is 110 mere passion of words; but a passion which, once set out of freedom, and is for the service in action, must be satisfied.

The power of the United States will never be used for aggression, or for the aggrandisement of any selfish interest of our own period. v

TTIE AME RICA N PR ESS. EULOGISE AIR ‘WILSON. (Received This Day at 9.15 a.m.) NEAV YORK, Feb. 12. The “Now York Times’' says Mr Wilson’s address should convince the German people that the military autocracy is the sole obstacle to peace . The “ Herald ’Nsays unless the Central Powers accept the road to peace, which Mr Wilson has outlined, we will continue the war, whatever the cost. The “Tribune” remarks that such public discussion of the war aims, signalised the, end of secret diplomacy.

Tile newspapers all over the country laud the moral grandeur, consummate skill and unanswerable logic of the address.