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PEACE QUESTION.

SPEECH BY LLOYD‘GEORGE. BRITAIN’S WAR AIMS. TAUSTRALIAN & N.Z. CABLE ASSOCIATION] London, Dec 14 The Rt Hon D. Lloyd George, speaking at. a dinner to the heads of the Air Service, after emphasising the importance of the operations of the Air Service as a determining factor in the war. referred to Lord Lansdowne’s letter. He said he could now understand that Lord Lansdowne did not intend in the least to convey the meaning his words might reasonably hear, and only intended to say exactly what President Wilson said in a recent speech- The whole British nation fully agreed with that speech, and therefore he concluded that the interpretation placed upon Lansdowne’s letter by the Allies and our enemies in no way repiesented what Lansdowne intended. He referred to the very active minority of people who thought mistakenly; that. they had found a leader in Lansdowne.

The danger was not the extreme pacifist, he said, and 1 warn the nation to watch the man who thinks there is a half-way house between victory and defeat. No such house exists. These are the men who think you can end the war by some sort of what they call peace; by setting up a League of Nations with attendant conditions. That is the right policy after victory"; but without victory it >would be a farce to end the war which was entered upon in order to enforce a treaty without reparation for the infringement of that treaty, which was treated as a scrap of paper, merely by entering a new and more sweeping and comprehensive treaty, would be a farce in the setting of a tragedy. There is nothing so fatal to character as half-finished tasks, and he thonght it was a mean attitude to assume. He could understand the man who opposed the war from the start, but he could not comprehend the man who helped to commit the nation to a career of honour, and now, before the task was nearly accomplished, wished to shake hands with the malefactor. To trade to the mutual advantage of the enemy was simply to he invited to enter a bargain to join with y'ou in punching the head of the next man who dared to imitate his villainies.

The enemy desired such peace terms, and if. was idle to talk of security won by snob feeble means; but there should be no doubt, regarding the alternatives wherewith we are confronted. One is to make easy terms with a triumphant outlaw, which means abasing ourselves before lawlessness. It means that ultimately the world would be intimidated by successful bandits. 'The other is to go through the task of vindicating justice so as to establish righteous and everlasting peace for ourselves and our children.

No nation with any regard for selfrespect, and honour can hesitate for a moment in the choice, intensely as it. realised that, victory is an essential condition of "a free world. There is not merely to he no object in prolonging the war; but it would be infamous to do so if we thought things would get no better the longer they" fought. It was because we are firmly" convinced that despite some untoward events and discouraging appearances, we are making steady progress towards our goal, that he would regard peace overtures at present as the betrayal of a great trust wherewitb be and bis colleagues were charged. Tbo deadly grip of the Navy was having its effect, and the valour of the troops was making t he impression of a bridge which when completed, would carry us to a new world over a river. The bridge was for the moment in the state that some scatfolding had carried away. Though much progress we had made seems submerged and hidden, some men say let I us abandon the enterprise altogether ; I it is too costly ; it is impracticable of achievement; let ns rather build a pontoon bridge of new treaties and a League of Nations, understanding that it might, last some time, but, it would always be shaky and uncertain. The first flood would sweep it away. Let us go along with the pile driving and make a real solid and permanent structure. He referred to the added difficulties owing to Russia’s threatened withdrawal. The serious addition to onr task was already formidable enough, \ and it would be folly to underrate the danger. Equally it would be folly to exaggerate, and the greatest! folly of all was not, to face it. He enlarged upon the entry of America into the struggle. She was stepping into Russia’s place. America was not yet prepared; but soon would be; bence tbe enemy’s desperate efforts to force the issue before she was ready ; but they will not succeed. He urged the need for greater efforts and sacrifices. It is not a time to cower or falter; but, to place our feet firmer

than ever and square onr shoulders to bear the increased weight. He never doubted that we would bear it all right, and to that end it was absolutely necessary that we must further drain on our man-power in order to sustain the position until the American Army arrives. There was no ground for panic. Even after sending troops to Italy’s assistance, the Allies had a marked numerical superiority in Prance and Flanders. Wo had considerable reserves at Home, and much greater progress had been made in man-power, ! especially in the last few months, than was realised.; but it was necessary to increase the trained reserves in order to face new contingencies without anxiety. The Cabinet had prepared recommendations for raising more manpower, and also investigating the best me 1 hods of husbanding the existing man-power, and to provision the men. The armies were not the most urgent part of the problem, but men Especially did we need to solve the problem of tonnage. Victory was now the problem, and tommge and nothing else could defeat us but shortage of tonnage. The advent of America into the war greatly increased the demand.

Germany gambled on America’s failure to transport colossal numbers of men and aeroplanes to Europe, and promised her own people and their Allies that these formidable masses wonld never find their way into the battleliue.

Mr Lloyd George foreshadowed the further withdrawal of men non-essen-tial to war trades and occupations in order to increase shipbuilding. He urged further saving in tonnage, not only economising consumption, hut increasing home production. We increased home food production by two to three million tons this year, and we were the only belligerents who increased the food output daring the war. It was essential that we| have another three million tons oLfood imports in 1918. He appealed to agriculturalists to assist the Government.

Another way to help was to disconrage grousers from grousing, which undermined the morale, and National morale was vital in the question of holding out, against the peace propaganda which was fed witli grumblers. Let ns beware, be said, of playing these propagandists’ games. We challenged a sinister power menacing the world with enslavement. It bad been better never to have challenged unless we meant to carry it through. People who think we can begin a new era of peace while tbe Prussian military power is unbeaten, are labouring under a strange delusion.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HOG19171218.2.34

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Hokitika Guardian, 18 December 1917, Page 4

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,219

PEACE QUESTION. Hokitika Guardian, 18 December 1917, Page 4

PEACE QUESTION. Hokitika Guardian, 18 December 1917, Page 4

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