The Chronicle PUBLISHED DAILY. LEVIN. SATURDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1915

Horowhenua Chronicle, 4 December 1915, Page 2

The Chronicle PUBLISHED DAILY. LEVIN. SATURDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1915

BASIC PRINCIPLES. Various aspect of the great war impress different section of the people; and iu the consideration of these is sues there is a sectional tendency to consider minor matters as being major, and to attribute to them the more real causes of the internecine strife. I'or purposes of patriotism, and in souu instances for less admirable reasons also, matters of extraneous moment are magnified until tlioy seem to bo tlie chief issues, and furores of indignation are aroused; hopes of speedy success are fostered; enduring hatred ngainst even the unwilling sections of our lenemies is nurtured j and with •what desire? Primarily, we think, i i the hope that volunteering may stimulated. To those," iftfmerically many, who adopt tlio Jesuistical theory that "the end justifies the means," this procedure seems admirable; t;-it W those who believe in the ma;ntenance of sound reasoning instead of hasty, passionate decisions, foredoomed. to bring forth fruit of bitter taste, the need for a more reasonable method of considering the developments of the war is ever apparent. Our nation's ostensible reason for declaring war < n Germany was the protection of Belgium's neutrality; and when that reason was given it evoked hearty approval throughout the British Empire. Yet tliat special reason was merely n apex to the pyramid of reasons; just an the comparatively small shortcoming of permitting a shortage of <*nr elite at an important navil base was the alleged cause «•' the defeat of tho Gladstone Government three decades ago. Tile infringement of Belgium's neutrality by Germany was a gross breach or treaty obligations ; but in a lesser degree there have been two breaches of treaty committed by Great Britain's lilies e'nre the war began: the first in China and the second in Greece. Tactics—and the need to beat an unscrupulous foe with his own weapons—are reasonable excuses for these doings ; but to accept these excuses as sufficient one must fall back on Loyola's axiom erne again. If right is right for ever, and a wrong a wrong in all circumstances, then tho true history of the present war will show that in such minor matters as the ones wc refer to the several parties to the war all were constructively or actively participants; though Germany', as the initial offender, will bcT" branded with the greater blame.

Aspects such as those of the treaties, [however, should he set tfri the background. The war is moving but slowly, and it m desirable that a'l ■who wish to consider its history dispassionately in the years • to come— (and rr.any How living'will survive thr> present dangers, and eventua I !}' give the main issue that consideration) —would k3o -well to centralise {lieir udgment on the main issue. Un doubtedlv Great Britain went to war ■ on tHe side of her Allies because her statesmen recognised the grave danger to the peace of the world that the Kaiser's Juncker-fostered military madness had become; and because Great Britain's statesmen believed that a united front against Germany and Austria would be likelier to clip-

! pie the Kaiser's overweening ambition to become a world's Iruler than would a declaration of war by Great Britain at some later stage. Insofar as the French republic has been saved from defeat at Germany's hands through our empire's intervention, our nation's decision to wage war must bo esteemed somul judgement; and in any event, the real reason lies in the recognition of what the Kaiser's aspirations really amounted to. The war, judged - on a basis of military achievements, has not progressed in our favour to diate; and it is a poor sort of patriotism that cannot look this fact in the face without crying aloud for the imprisonment of Mr Aslimead Bartlett and all lesser journalistic lights who decline to blinlt the truth as it makes itself clear in the records of events. This "initial laok of success is easy to understand. The British Empire and Ji'er Allies were opposed to an enemy who had period preparations to back him against antagonists who began iess-well prepare; and to those who can view this fact with 'fair minds, audi estimate fairly the military gains and losses of the two combined parties to t l, o widespread combat, the actual result in as evident as it regrettable. But when all this is admitted, all men o; courage can turn hopetuily to other viows of the war. The enemy's commerce already is practically lion-ex-istent, and the British navy has demonstrated its effectiveness By removing the whilom menace ol the German submarines; and an effective menace is proved*, notwithstanding lite newspaper discountings that were cabled to us just a year ago. To-day, in British ports, between lorty and fifty o f these deadly war vessels arc held prisoner, and British merchantmen are coursing the seas in conditions of' immunity. The .financial strain upon Germany and Austria is so 'tremendous that breaking point should bo reached in another twelve months, if

not sooner. The unfortunate part ot this aspect of the war is that our Allies ancT ourselves are feeling the gigantic financial strain to an extonf only comparatively lesser them that ol our enemies. War, in a phrase, has reached the stage where money will not because it cannot. THE WOkLD AS A WHOLE is not producing the wealth necessary to foot the bills ruil up by the combatants; and inasmuch as gold i > merely a counter, the breaking stage of the great contest, if sane judges of the case are alloAved to decide the point, already lias .been reached. Great Britain's share in the expenses of the Napoleonic wars—waged over a period of fifteen years—was matter of under £900,000,000; and to pay tho interest on that amount ke'it hor business people poor lor mam many years, while her 1 iwj'- c'.d-ms were beggared. Yet the cost ot tho war that lias been in progress for on'v

fifteen mont-lis, so far, is already from two and a half times to th'oe times the amount of the i\\p<?ndi f 'iro we made, with such dis is*';-is 6»i;inciaJ 'results, on the' Napoleonic wars. To this argument some critics will reply that to-day we are a richer nation, with a much larger population, than we were a hundred years ago. That fact need not be gainsaid; but the more striking fact must be faced, (and we repeat our statement once nior.O that the whole world—much less tlus countries of the combatants—is not producing the wealtli necessary to balance the money expenditures; 011 the war. Already Great Britain has nad the unprecedented spectacle of American bankers objecting to take payments in gold from Great Britain; and preferentially asking for paper securities! A fact of this striking nature should make people pause to consider; yet until yesterday''-we had seen no public man's reference to its real significance, nor have we seen yet any newspaper comment upon the gravity of it. What must the posffion become it the war goes on indefinitelyP No true Briton would seek a dishonorable peace; but, per contra, 110 Briton fortuitously thrust into high place, in Now Zealand or elsewhere, rshould be tolerated when, he beats the politicalair with protestations against any consideration of peace until our enemies are totally humiliated. If the British Cabinet considers that the time for serious consideration of peace proposals is arriving (and it the British Cabinet does not incline to that view, The Chronicle is at a loss to account for the New Zealand Premier's petulant newspaper-interview outburst oi' a week ago), it is the duty of every well-balanced citizen of the Empire to sustain reasonable views ot the position, If an honorable peace were concluded to-morrow, the load of debt remaining to the combatants would burdon posterity for two Tiundrcd yeans to come. But if unreasonable counsels prevail, and the great war drags on indefinitely, the prospect is that present methods of banking will be undiermined and eventually the monetary basis of excltange will be swept away, with resultant disaster to investors. To blink this possibility is foolish; to' face it commonsense.