The Chronicle. PUBLISHED DAILY. THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1910. GREAT BRITAIN'S PERIL.

Horowhenua Chronicle, 24 March 1910, Page 2

The Chronicle. PUBLISHED DAILY. THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1910. GREAT BRITAIN'S PERIL.

British politics nro in a sad state indeed, faced as the nation .now is with tlio prospect of a second election within a very few months. The apparent position of the con tending parties resembles the case of litigants who have got partial benefits from a. Supremo Court judgment which makes both o'f them feel that a.n appeal to judges drawn from the same court may secure a different result. To our mind, the Liberal Government is reaping at present the whirlwind raised at the last general elections by the confusion of the issues; for which confusion some of the Liberal Government heads a,ml lenders were in part responsible : such as the jibes at German tradesmen's horseflesh, and at British opponents' sanity and sobriety, which must have induced tens of thousands of electors to cast their votes for or against the Liberal Party on grounds thafT were absolutely inconsequential. This aspect of politics is one of the most deplorable connected with the political party system. It is much easier for politicians to proceed on methods of ad captandum vulgus, and in tho sharp short struggle of the average election there is a great temptation for botli sides to leave pure reasoning to be self-applied by the comparative few who desire it, and to magnify party stock cries into national necessities. It is beyond argument that the Liberal Party conducted its latest campaign on these lines, and it seems equally clear that the insufficient majority it secured at the polls can be properly attri- ! buted to this clouding of the issues. The occurrence is more thn.ii usually regretted because the finances of Great Britain are at present in a most unusual state of disturbance, which every day's results make worse; it is, in fact, 'the case that thousands upon thousands of pounds are being lost to the general revenue temporarily, for certain, and;

probably for all time. 'And the apparent surety of another election being imminent, with its consequent turmoil, must increase this margin of loss very considerably. The present case of British politics undoubtedly needs the arrangement of a modus vivendi between the parties, under whioli a trial of the public temper- may be made upon one clear cut issuo. There never yet was an election which could not be confused with unnecessary issues, but it should be recognised now that while in many instances the fighting of political battles on side issues lias occasioned no real harm, the present occasion is fraught with such weight of importance, and such far-reaching effects, that tho need for one unmistakable call to the people, yea. or nay, is become of paramount importance. In past epochs England has had her great leaders ready raised for .her emergencies: like Minerva from the head of Jove, they have sprung fully armed for combat. To take a vulgar instance, Wat Tyler, at a moment's notice, has led a dominating mob in perhaps justifiable revolt; Oliver Cromwell has encouraged half a nation to successful resistance and final domination over the other great section; Richard Cobden and John, 'Bright, by turns, have worked up a.nd spurred forward a later and more peaceful revolution into paths and practices as much, or perhaps even more momentous than was the long and bloody struggle which terminated its internecine course at Naseby. To carry out tho thought engendered by mention of Cobden and Bright, it may be said truthfully that after over half a century of trial, their propaganda is more on trial now than it wa sten, twenty, or thirty years ago; and it is upon this great problem of Freetrado' or Protection for Great Britain that the great struggle has its real pivot. The question of reform of the House of Lords certainly lias appositeness to this great occasion ; tho more so because the Liberal Government has adroitly manoeuvred the Lords into rejecting its Budget on grounds which show plainly that, the Lords were swayed as much by regard for their own lands and purse. l ? ns by solicitude for the general taxpayer's interests. This fact, however, is simply a straw which floats on the torrent of tumult whose turgidity covers up—temporarily, it is to he hoped—the great point that should be outstanding in the sight of all. The people need guidance from a leader who will lead them aright, and help to stem n,nd turn aside the transverse currents.

"Will the man to load tlio naiion he found at the present epoch? for it "is" nil epoch at which the nation has arrived. And. will lie he some mail already in the forefront of political battle, or an avatar rising unheralded from the ranks of the people? Surely he will he found? surely the present need of the nation will meet with 110 exceptions from the inscrutable laws of the First Great Cause which seems always to have provided great men in due season for great contingencies such as the present one? With the proposition that no man should he a reviser of laws simply because he is the son of his father, 110 Liberal is likely to disagree: hut there are many amo,n<rst the party's supporters and admirers who join issue against those who. condemn hereditary lawgivers per se. Given a lino of men descended for many successive generations in gentle nurture a,ivd sound learning, it is not too much to say that leaders of more than average ability iand judgment will be frequent amongst them. There is. not unnaturally, a revolt amongst the middle classes against occasional displays of arrogance and intolerance made by some few titled individuals, hut it is unfair to judge of the whole by these inferior parts. The unfortunate fact is that to some extent this course has been taken—and at the instigation and leadership of men who really know better. Tt is desirable to have a degree of reformation made in the House of Lords, hut it r.hould be simply in the direction of having some efficiency test imposed before any bearer of a hereditary title could take up revisory legislatorv duties. The rule to he adopt-ed-might be the passing of an examination in law or medicine, or divinity, or some prescribed science likely to give an -experience sure to be of use in any council of the nation. To this extent, the outcry for reform of the House of Lords is justifiable; but at best it is merely a side issue, and for purposes of the present election it should be so regarded, though it seems likelv, viewing the position from this distance, that "the Lords" will be used once again as a great stalking horse to enable politicians to ride roughshod to victory over the inanimate body of the real cause of the war. The century-old trouble of Froetrade or Protection is and should he the one dividing cry, the great shibboleth, of the pending General Election; and what Great Britain needs is a great strong man who will make clear the position, and break down all the unnecessary battlements and range his force upon the one clear lield—come victory or come defeat. The pending battle is one that concerns New Zealand, Canada, India, Australia,

— the whole Empire, in fact—as vitally as it docs the Mother Country, and it is no hyperbole to say that to ns in New Zealand the end of this struggle, in which we have 110 effective voice, will he weighted with consequences as great and as far-reaching as any which it can hold for Great Britain and those whose votes must determine the matter.