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Hawke's Bay Times, Volume 14, Issue 746, 23 December 1869, Page 2

Shall New Zealand become a state in an Australian or British federation 1 Shall she stand alone, or place herself under the wing of the Ameiican Eagle 1 ? Shall she bear everything and remain a colony as at present 1

There is something to urge in favor of each of these propositions ; but of all, the last, as being that in which we know the worst already, would best please the majority of the people. We grant that there are grave grounds for dissatisfaction

iii our present position. But we must remember that it is chiefly objectionable as defined by the present radical Ministry. At home, the balance of power in politics i* not held equally. It is a tide which ebbs and flows, and the lengths to which the extremes of party opinion are pushed in one direction are generally compensated afterwards by a deviation to a corresponding extent in an opposite one. Thus, if Messrs. Bright and Gladstone go too far in their haid views of colonial obligation, a future Ministry will probably indemnify us by more liberal treatment. This is a reason for cautious and patient consideration before we " cut the painter," and still more before we place ourselves under a foreign flag or give way to the federation proposals of ambitious colonists who only desire to mount on our shoulders to emolument or power. Moreover, we must bear in mind that Messrs. Bright and Gladstone have no more vested right to their offices than Messrs. Yogel, Williamson, and Fox to theirs. Still, we will allow that the " Imperial idea," as Mr Stafford sagaciously pointed out, does not exist as strongly now as in days of yore; and bared as it seems of all advantage to us, it is possible that the Imperial yoke might become too galling to bear. The question then arises—What alternative ought we to adopt in such a case? We unhesitatingly answer that in such a case we should try to separate, —to part as friends from the old country, and to stand alone.

The idea of Imperial federation is preposterous. The chimerical notion that the result would be to equalise taxation is hardly worth notice. The drop in the backet that we could bring to an Imperial revenue would be laised by methods totally different from the taxation of England. It would comprise in gross not only the amount required fqr the " Imperial'' part of the expenditure, but also a great deal of what is locally raised for local purposes at home.

No greater fallacy exists than the mode frequently employed in this and other countries of stating the taxation at per head as being the revenue divided by the population. In Australia the revenue includes proceeds of the lands sold, for which the Imperial revenue affords no parallel ; and here a large portion oi the regular revenue is handed over annually to the provinces to be used for purpose? which in England are purely local concerns, and do not appear in the estimates of the year. Moreover, the mode of raising the revenue at home is largely by means of direct taxation, which is not the (asein the colonies. But apart from this question of finance, there is the utter absurdity of supposing that the peop!e of England would submit to be dictated to by their insignificant colonies, however precocious or selfasserting; and what applies to Eng. land applies, though in a less degree, to Australia. To our mind this disposes completely of the federation scheme, and we shall dismiss it cordingly. The question we ha\?e to look straight in the face, is that of separate existence as a humble member of the family of rations. It is true that we are young, and our population small- but no one can observe the two banks of the river St Lawrence without perceiving how mud; more rapidly population crowds into the sovereign state than into the dependent colony, notwithstanding the higher taxation of the former. Unhesitatingly we predict a great influx of people from the date we becomean independent state, and with population many of our difficulties will disappear. In the event of war our own insignificance would be our beat protection. An English flag on our shipping would be like a red rag to a bull if American Alabamas were in sight and the old country was at war with her eldest child. It would draw down certain and terrible loss upon our community, uncompensated by anything whatever. It is hopeless to expect the navy of England to protect all our commerce, and it is conceivable it might be insufficient to attempt it all. Our ports, too, in such a case, would be at the mercy of foreign belligerent privateers or cruiseis, and we should surely be placed under humiliating contributions. If we accepted a protectorate of any country we should be in no better case, and our commerce equally exposed to capture at sea. We want no trifling additional strength, such as Australia could give ns. We should, if we were wise, maintain no armament at all, either by land or sea, except for the preservation of public order. Of course the present Imperial restrictions on our trade would vanish. We should be able to import Australian produce free if we chose, and to arrange anv commercial treaty we might find desirable with America by granting concessions which it miglit suit us to make.

The most serious difficulty which could arise in forming a separate establishment for this young country is to be found in our own jealousies and political animosities against one another. This is a point on which we dare not speak with hopefulness. We have seen in the conduct of the present Government a tendency which leads us to fear that we might perhaps soon find cause to regret a change. Till the intrigues of the late opposition to embarrass the late Government, and the behaviour of the present Government towards -the public seryice, nothing had eyer oo-

curred in this country to make us fear that ve \sere unworthy lo rale ourselves. It is evident now, however, that personal and unscrupulous ambition is the great danger ahead if we drift away from the home country, and this is increased by the want ot a nationality to influence public opinioti. How long it raig.it take to create this latter without a crisis such as called it into existence in America we have no means of judging, and it is for this reason chiefly that we hesitate to counsel an early separation from England.