THE JAMAICA REBELLION.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume 7, Issue 373, 3 May 1866, Page 1

THE JAMAICA REBELLION.

The ‘ Times ’ has sent out a special correspondent to Jamaica, whose letters we subjoin. AJtEIVAIi OF SIE HEXEY SXOBKS.—STATE OF FOB--IIC FEELIKO AT JAMAICA. Kingston, January 9. The Eoyal Mail Company’s s.s. Tyne, Capt. Hole, arrived here on the evening of the 6th, bringing Sir Henry Storks, G.C.8., with his Aide-de-Camp, Captain Baring, R.A., and the Secretary of the Commission, Mr C. S. .Roundel!. The appointment of his Excellency was already known throughout the island, the news having come by way of New York. But no one anticipated that Sir Henry would reach Jamaica so soon after his appointment as interim Governor. There were groups of eager spectators on the wharf when the-steamer drew alongside. The negroes shoot hands and looked triumphant. “Now we shall have justice,” some were heard to say, and they raised a cheer as his .Excellency drove off. The whites who were present seemed anxious and depressed. They did not conceal their regret at what they re garded as the “ humiliation ” of Mr Eyre, and their fear at the effect which the interposition of the Home Government might have . upon the excitable black population. This feeling is still uppermost with many, but all welcome inquiry, and agree that the experience and discretion of Sir Henry Storks, his military promptitude and known administrative ability, furnish the best guarantees for good government and good order so long as he remains in the island. On another point the whites with whom I have conversed are singularly unanimous. No one of them entertains the least doubt that Mr Eyre will be triumphantly “ acquitted.” The doubts and denunciations at home find no echo here ; and this nearly universal ageement —for such it seems to be—-upon a subject which in England has produced such, wide disagreement is one of the first things noted by a new-comer. , Even those Jamaica politicians who had been determined opponents of Mr Eyre’s admini-

stration, and who at another time would have rejoiced at his removal from the colony, now rally round him, express their gratitude for his efficient measures in suppressing the rebellion, and protest against the injustice to which they declare he has been treated iu return by the Imperial Government. One of the principal newspapers at Kingston, the • * Colonial Standard,’ which repeatedly urged Mr Eyre’s recall before the outbreak, now supports him warmly, and says that the blind sympathy of certain philanthropists in England, and the imprudent interference of the British Government, will lead the ignorant negro in the West Indies to think that he may perpetrate any outrage with impunity. In conversation I have ventured to suggest that, perhaps, if the negro can be convinced he will have justice from England, such a conviction may form the best security against future outrage by him. But generally the feeling here is that the mass of the negroes will misapprehend any reproof given horn England to the head of the colony, and will

view it as giving them license to do just as they like, and to lord it over the white man. It must be confessed that the negro does not seem able to enjoy his triumph quietly and discreetly; and I am not surprised that their exultations and exaggerated talk should have irrated the whites, used to command, and ill able to, brook what they regarded as a mortification inflicted on the superior race. Sir H. Storks has taken up his residence at the King’s house. Mr Eyre has been staying for some time in the hills at Eiamstead, about 13 miles from Kingston. I regret to say that his Excellency looks ill and haggard; he is suffering greatly in health from his long residence in a tropical climate, and probably still more from the cares and anxieties of the last four months. I believe it had been his wish, when order was completely restored throughout the island, to be relieved from his duties here and to enjoy some rest at home. This, was, of course, before he knew of the strong feeling excited in England, and the steps taken by her Majesty’s Government; but he will now, of course, remain here during the inquiry. One source of permanent anxiety both to the present and the late Governor is removed. The lust packet will have taken to England the news that the Jamaica Legislature has committed political suicide, and has thrown upon the Ministry and Parliament at home the responsibility of declaring what shall be the future government of the colony. On this point, again you do not hear a dissentinent voice. By the jobbery of some of its members, and the perversity and bitterness of others, the House of Assembly had made itself an unmitigated nuisance to every man of education and position in Jamaica. GOEDOii’s CASE. —EX-GOVEEXOE EYEE’S MEASURES. NUMBER OF NEGEOES KILLED. Less attention is bestowed here on the case of Mr Gordon than might be expected from the prominence assigned to it in England. Particular stress is laid, however’, upon the statement made iu his last letter that he knew nothing of Paul Bogle—a statement which is declared to be notoriously untrue. The two men were in frequent communication, and knew each other perfectly. Gordon died very much in debt; and one of the documents found among his papers was a list of signatures, over 150 in number, headed by that of Paul Bogle himself. Several other black men, accused of complicity in the rebellion and executed as rebel leaders, figure ia the same list. No writing is annexed to it, and the list may have been a harmless one, in connection with some legitimate political organisation'; but the fact°is pointed to as a suspicious one, I have been shown a Bible, which -was found in Paul Bogle’s chapel, at Stony Gut, on its capture by the troops after the rising ; and the inscription in Gordon’s handwriting, partly rubbed out, but still to be read, is this: “ Presented by George W. Gordon to Mr Paul Bogle, with wishes.” The date is November 2, 1862, and there is a reference to Isaiah, chap, xxx.*, verse 18. The gift was not a costly one. It was a Bible printed by the British and Foreign Society, and bears their stamp, “ sold under cost price —-tenpence,” upon the cover. The writing, if genuine, clearly shows that Gordon knew Paul Bogle perfectly well. It is only fair, however, to give an explanation- which is offered by Gordon’s friends here. They say that the statement in the letter was an inadvertence excusable in a man who was to die in an hour or two, and that what Gordon must have meant to say was not that he knew nothing of Paul Bogie, but that he knew nothing of Bogle’s complicity in any outbreak or rebellion. This is a point on which Englishmen are as competent to offer an opinion as any one on the spot. A gentleman wh) has seen the original loiter assures me that there is no hiatus, and that, whatever their meaning, the words are clear! Setting aside the first presumption that a man just about to die would tell the truth, it appears uulisely that Gordon should at that moment invent a clumsy lie which bundreds of witnesses could disprove. But another statement has reached me which, if accurate, as I believe it to be, proves conclusively that Gordon could not have meant what his written words express. During

the court-martial he admitted, I believe, that Bogle was a political friend of his • and it is not likely that he would have denied in his letter what he had admitted verbally. As yet the evidence upon which Gordon was hung has been kept back here; but some notes taken at the trial by one of the local reporters have been sent to England, and may very likely have been published there. It is necessary, therefore, to mention that, as a record of the evidence upon which the conviction was founded by the Court and approved by Brigadier-General Nelson, such a report must be quite incomplete, because it does not comprise documents which were chiefly relied on for the prosecution. With reference both to Gordon’s case and the general measures taken in suppressing the outbreak,, white people here complain loudly that in England too little allowance has been made for the position of difficulty in which Mr Eyre and the military authorities were placed, and for the danger to which the white and colored population were hourly exposed. This is a point on which, so soon after my arrival iu the colony and pending inquiry, 1 offer no opinion, and simply reflect the very strong views of those around me. lam assured that the blacks in this place did not conceal their exultations when the news arrived of the massacre at Morant Bay, and that their looks and words were such as to inspire the greatest distrust of what they would do if the rebellion were allowed to gaid ground. “ Hurrah for Gordon one negro was heard to say, “ he shave off old Ketelhuldt’s head !” There is something in the retort which an Englishman hears on all sides: —“ It is very well for people at home to talk of panic fears; but suppose they had been out here—a mere handful of whites in the midst of a disaffected and inflammable race, with barbarous murders enacted close by how soon to bo repealed fn our midst no one could tell.” Speeches made by Gordon in the Legislative Assembly are quoted to show that he favored revolt. Some of those delivered iu 1864 are now before me in the authorised reports. A few of the passages relied on will suffice. “ Per se,” as the hon. member for St. Catherine said, the people would be quite right to break out into open rebellion. If an illegality may be permitted on the part of the people. ... I have never seen an animal more voracious for cruelty and poiver that the present Governor of Jamaica. If we were to be governed by such a Governor much longer, the people will have to fly to arms and become self-governing.” In England one would not incline to attach over much importance to such passages thus separated from their contexts, and Gordon always based this speaking upon their assumption that the Governor or his Council were themselves violating the the law. But upon ignorant negroes—it is urged—this inflammatory language might have a dangerous effect, and they would care little for the constitutional principle which Gordon professed to keep iu view as a justification for his harangues. Gordon spoke for two hours defending himself before the court-martial; and he admitted, I am told, that the circumstantial evidence against him W’as very strong, though he added that he. could not help that. Men of position who have seen the whole evidence say that it is strong and conclusive. Upon this poiut I can only repeat what is told me.

Every Englishman will be pleased to learn that the number of negroes who have been put to death has been grossly exaggerated in England, principally on the strength—it is only just to repeat —of unreliable and excited letters written, and often printed, in Jamaica. I ant assured that, taking into account those who were hanged, shot, or slain by soldiers and Maroons in the bush, the number of negroes who have lost their lives has not been more than 460, and that 500 is an outside estimation. Lamentable enough was even this loss of life, but when mention is made of “ miles of dead bodies,” and the slain are counted by thousands,” it is right that no time should be lost in declaring these statements to be due only to a fertile imagination. Mach- has been said in England about the case of “ Paul .Bogle’s valet,” and the impression is that he was a youth of tender age, who denounced anybody and everybody, while in mortal terror

of his own neck. The fact is that ho was more than 22 years of age, is married and has two children. He was called ‘ a bov/ as even even old men here are when in service. Bogle gave him a gun, which, according to his own, account, he throw down a gully, and after being taken by our troops. Col. Iluhbs, allowed him to go free. He then volunteered to accompany the detachment, and, as he knew Bogie and the other ringleaders well, his services were accepted ; but he was warned in all probability roughly warned—that if he attempted to mislead the detachment, or to run away, or to he, he would be shot. All the men whom he pointed out as rebels were duly tried by court martial, and those executed were found guilty upon what was believed to bo sufficient evidence. I urn told that, so far from denouncing people wholesale, lie actually saved many persons whose lives might otherwise have been in jeopardy. shall hear and see more of him hereafter ; I ofier no opinion as to the value of his statements, or tne extent to which they were corroborated. I believe he said that he saw hundreds of negroes take the oath. In point of fact, two oaths seem to have been admistered—one of them pledging to secrecy, the other binding to some plan of action; but though many of the negroes admitted before execution that they had taken these oaths, none would disclose their terms, iEELIKG IK i'AVOII OF EX-GOVEIIKOU EYTIE. Kingston, January 25. Tim special correspondent of the * Times/ from Kingston, on January 25, says:— “ •’ Morally we are all responsible, is an expression I have heard frequently used by people here who strenuously approve Mr Eyre's acts at the time, and who are just enough now not to forgot their former opinions. It was held that the public saiv.y was tnc highest law ; but, beyond ibis, it was ihoug.it that there were circumstances which warranted Gordon’s arrest, even ia Kingston. Thus the offence alleged against him was committed ia a district uiider\uirtial law, and an unsuccessful attempt had been made cO arrest Inin there, X believe that the Attorney-General, a gentleman’ of great learning and ability, was not consulted as to the legality of Gordon’s arrest and removal to Moruut Boy. But ii Mr Eyre had I even been advised that such an arrest was illegal, the result would have been the same, for Gordon’s capture and speedy trial were considered so important that Kingston would have been at once proclaimed in order to secure them. It is proper to bear in mind that before the sentence of the court-martial was executed, the proceedings were seen and approved by Major-General OCounor, the Commander of the Forces here, and by the the Executive Committee, and they were all of opinion that Gordon’s guilt was proved, and that his life was justly forfeited. Gordon, it is well known, had personal grievances against many of the victims of the massacre at Mo rant Bay, and both in speaking and writing he was fond of denouncing them. His orei seer at the Khine {jL.a\vreiicej was one of the men to whom he seems to have predicted the fate in store for some of his political opponents; and, whether that was bis intention or not, it is felt throughout the island that the prophecy brought about its Ovvn liunlment. Xu a letter to Gordon, dated April 8, 1856, Lawrence speaks of ‘ the retribution ’ drawing nigh ’ for My Georges and Mr Danvers. And Lawrence knew well what form form this ‘ retribution 1 would take. On the morning of the massacre he warned Dr Major, who was one of Mr Gordon’s intimate friends, hot to go to Moraut Lay that day. This was some hours, before the tragedy, and at a distance of 17 miles from the Bay. Dr. Major persisted in going, whereupon Gordon wrote to Mrs Major, who lived ou Gordon's estate of 1 the Khiue/ stating that, in his opinion, the doctor vi us sate, as the negroes knew ‘ full well who was lit fur retribution. 3 He also said to one of Mrs ivXajor s female servants/ ‘ X hope the doctor will be safe, but the Baron and Mrs Herscheli will be dead. 3 In June or July last, Gordon was staying at the house . f Mr Harrison, the attorney for the Hordiey estate, whom he then informed that he haa b,.eu asked to a rebellion..

* Take all your family off the country,’ he said to Mr Harrison on this oceasiou ; ‘ start before the rainy season sets in, and don’t be back till after Christmas, or yon will repent it. Your life and that of your family is above every ether consideration.’ Mr Harrison says he thought nothing of this warning at tiie time, though the massacre at Morant Bay gives it. a terrible significance. He adds that he had been told by the late Mr Hire, who was murdered at Amity Hall, near the Hordley estate, that Gordon informed him also that he (Gordon) bad been asked to head a rebellion. Mr Sawkins, Director of the West India Geological Survey, says that Gordon told the people in Vere to *do as the Haytiaus did.’ And a remarkable statement has been made here to the effect that in June or July last, at about the time when the Government were expecting an outbreak near Black River, Gordon was negotiating for the purchase of a ‘ Confederate schooner,’ with arms and ammunition, and the commander of schooner—a Lieutenant Edinburgh—alleges that the object w r as to land Haytians with arras and ammunition at Black River, and that Gordon spoke of a new West Indian republic.’ “ This evidence may he taken for what it is worth, but I believe it will be supported by documents before the Commissioners, and that it is an addition to the evidence previously possessed by the Government against Gordon, whatever that may be. I have already expressed my belief that it would be unfair to lay much stress upon the expression in Gordon’s last letter that he knew nothing of Paul Bogle. A number of letters, however can be produced which had passed between the two, and in which he addressed bis correspondent as * Dear Bogle.’ It will be improper to judge the case of men who probably in a few days will be called on to take their trial before the Special Commission ; and it will, no doubt, then appear whethe connection that is alleged to have been kept up between them and Gordon really existed. In proof of the organisation which is so much insisted on among the blacks, there will be handed in to the royal commission lists of names containing about 120 persons in the parish of Yere, and these were headed * Names of the persons enlisted for the volunteers.’ The lists were found among the papers of a leading agitator, and referred to no volunteers enrolled or saationed by the Government.”