The Hawke's Bay Times. NAPIER, THURSDAY, 30th NOVEMBER, 1865. THE DOWNFALL OF THE WELD MINISTRY.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume 6, Issue 328, 30 November 1865, Page 2

The Hawke's Bay Times. NAPIER, THURSDAY, 30 th NOVEMBER, 1865. THE DOWNFALL OF THE WELD MINISTRY.

There was, at the time of Mr Weld’s resignation, considerable mystery experienced as to its cause, and in the minds of many this mystery still remains. It was quite evident that the defeat, if such it may he

called, upon Mr Yogel’s motion, was of itself quite insufficient to justify jt; and the public naturally looked back to anterior events for its actual cause. Some found it in the defeat on Mr Colenso’s resolution respecting the peace proclamation;—others saw it in Mr Cardwell’s despatch;—illhealth was likewise impressed into the category of reasons; —but each and all seem inadequate to account for the result. Mr Colenso has pointed out the fact that it was actually a strong Ministry, consisting of seven members, and having three-fourths of the House in their favor; —their actual proportion to the whole number of members being about one in eight, and the name of Mr Weld being in itself a tower of strength. Beside, its policy had found great favor in all parts of the Colony except Auckland. It seemed stable; —its fall was unexpected, and a matter of surprise as well as of gratification to the Auckland party. Since the adjournment of the House the various members of the Ministry and some of their opponents have had opportunities of publicly addressing their constituencies, and much that was obscure has, by this means, been made clear; and it now seems quite evident that it was principally owing to the faults of its financial policy that the Weld Ministry was forced to succumb. It is to the speeches and writings of Mr J. E. Fitz Gerald that we are indebted for the fulness of our conviction on this point. This gentleman is well-known as the eloquent originator of impracticable theories, and his appointment to the office of Native Minister was perhaps the first as it was the greates t error in the catalogue of Mr Weld’s acts during the time he was Premier. Mr Weld himself gives us the first intimation of the fact in his announcement of his resignation. He does not allude to any very formidoble opposition existing to his Ministry, but speaking of the House says,—“ It was evident it was not prepared to give the Government that decided support on financial questions, from which alone we could derive the means to carry out our policy of self-reliance.” Phis was the truth, and Mr Fitz Gerald has also acknowledged that it was lukewarm supporters, and not a zealous opposition that caused its overthrow. Whence, then, the cause of this apathy on the part of the supporters of the Ministry ? Evidently, we think, it arose from the deep-rooted conviction that the Native policy was an impracticable scheme, and that to give it effect by supporting the financial policy of the Minis, try would be only to plunge the Colony into greater difficulties than ever. It must be confessed that there was something plausible in a scheme that declared the war at an end, and political offenders pardoned ; —that declared further war would not again be made upon the Native race, either on account of their King or superstition; but that all offences against the laws should henceforth be punished, if it had but been feasible, which it was not. It was quite evident that any attempt to take the offenders alluded to would be but the signal for a fresh outbreak on the part of the rebels, and the punishment of the offending parties by armed police would be as really war as if it was called by that name. What, then, is the prospect opened up by the carrying out of their self-reliant policy ? Neither more nor less than the continuance of a series of petty wars, extending over many years, to which, indeed, there seems to be no end, as no provision is made for the subjugation of the rebels. No wonder the scheme was looked upon with such suspicion as deprived it of that which alone could have given it a chance of trial, — the financial support of the House. Something was said by the late Native Minister about “ making the Native question pay and yield a profit,” and, in a speech on the subject of the Native Police Bill, Mr Fitz Gerald is reported to have said—

That if a crime is committed in any districts and if you cannot send the constables to airest the criminals, we can charge the cost of the arrest on the district. That was th o ascortion of the principle by which these Native expenses would

be charged on the natives. We do not propose to take the land because they commit the crime —that is not the view—but because they will not give the criminal up. We say, we must take your land, and in order to mark the sense of the Government that it is not for the purpose of getting the land, the Bill says, the land shall be tied up for ever, in trust for the purpose of maintaining a police force in that district.

—This seems to be the principle of the Bill, —to make the proceeds of such land pay the cost of Native Government, and “ yield a profit,” but it will not bear the slightest examination, for ct priori the land is situated where we cannot safely send our police to capture an offender, nor force the owners to give him up. The owners are, therefore, rebels, who, by the very confiscation of these lands, are confirmed in their rebellion ; and it may very reasonably he asked, who will buy or lease lands 'so situated ? And what amount of proceeds is to he derived from such lands ? The answer must be obvious to all that, so long as the rebels are unsubdued, so long will such lands be of no value in the market, and their proceeds— nil !