FURTHER DESPATCHES FROM MR CARDWELL.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume 6, Issue 295, 7 August 1865, Page 1

FURTHER DESPATCHES FROM MR CARDWELL.

[From the Wellington Independent.]

The Papers referring to New Zealand, laid before the Imperial Parliament on the 6th of April, contain two important despatches from Mr Cardwell to Sir George Grey, which afford additional information as to the existing relations between the Imperial Government and the colony. In the first of these, dated February 27, Mr Cardwell expresses his satisfaction with the resolutions of the Assembly, which he thinks substantially accept the policy Her Majesty’s Government had given instructions should be carried out in the colony. This is no doubt very satisfactory of itself, and when Mr Cardwell goes on to say that the decision of the Duke of Newcastle, giving the Colonial Ministry complete power and responsibility in dealing with native affairs, will be adhered to, and that his own dsspatch of the 26th April, withdrawing that boon, was only written to meet a temporary emergency, it might fairly be hoped that the Imperial authorities had become convinced of the evils of double government, and were determined that they should exist no longer. To strengthen this assurance still further, it is stated that instructions will be sent by next mail for the withdrawal of fiveregiments. We have often noticed that it is impossible to judge accurately of the intentions of the Imperial Government at any particular time from any one despatch. There is always something left out, some obscurity perhaps purposely left, some doubt which can only be solved by farther information. When two or three of these Colonial Office missives can be got together at cuce, and read in the light of the additional information to be gained from the Governor despatches, the conclusions thus arrived at are much more sound and accurate. So it is in the present instance. Sir George Grey had written to the Colonial Office enclosing his proclamation of the 17th December, confiscating the Waikato, and Mr Cardwell replies to this in a despatch dated the 27th March. He seems to have been somewhat startled by the proclamation, and it is not surprising he should, because Sir G. Grey’s persistent refusal to issue one almost exactly similar, and his putting forth the other celebrated document, under which the seven old women submitted, caused the resignation of the late Ministry. However, Mr Cardwell is too experienced an official to show surprise, and be therefore, after a passing allusion to the extent of territory confiscated, proceeds to consider the proclamation with respect to its justice and safety—justice towards the former native owners of the land, and the safety of the occupiers of the new frontier lines, when relying solely for protection on a colonial force. The consideration of “ justice ” is very easily disposed of. Mr Cardwell argues, that as an offer of clemency had previously been made to and rejected by the rebels, as provision was af-

forded forandgranted to all nativeswithin the bounds who had remained loyal, as well as to those who at once submitted—-he can, therefore, see no objection to the proclamation on the score of justice. The “safety” aspect of the question seems to have present ted very great difficulties. Stripped of verbiage and nicely turned official phrases, what Mr Cardwell says is thus “ You will do right to confiscate the Waikato ; you will do right to confiscate between Wanganui and I aranaki, if you are prepared to defend your new frontiers unaided. Do not expect any further Imperial assissance, rely solely upon a colonial force, because Her Majesty’s Government will not consent to the confiscation of any land, however justly forfeited by the rebellion of its owners, which would render necessary the employment of Imperial troops to protect the occupiers.” This is clear enough, but a perusal of the whole despatch makes it evident that Mr Cardwell canno get rid of the suspicion that the colony still wants the troops, thongh the Assembly has spoken the contrary plainly enough. There is also some light thrown on the views of the Imperial Government as to how a war should be conducted. Sir George Grey is instructed to avoid an “aggressive policy ’’ towards the natives, and this is said not on the supposition that an Imperial, but that a Colonial Force should be employed, while be is further requested to bear this in mind when establishing new frontiers. The natives are not to be. met and fought with in the open field, they are not to be followed up, harassed and driven backwards into their fastnesses, till the legitimate object of such a policy is gained by putting an end to the rebellion and rendering them peaceable in the future. We are to do nothing of the sort; we are simply in some inscruble way to protect our frontiers by acting on the defensive. It is not necessary that this experiment should be tried to learn how it would work, because General Cameron’s famous West Coast march was conducted entirely on the defensive principle, and we have not yet been able to discover what good it has done. The colonists will be content to left alone by the Imperial Government, to let the Imperial troops go. and to take upon their own shoulders the burden of internal defence, but they don’t wish at the same time to be told how to deal with the rebellion by those who have so signally failed in the attempt. °

We are, however, very much afraid that Imperial interference is not yet to cease. In this very despatch the Governor is not only instructed to dictate what policy is to be adopted, but so long as any Imperial troops remain in the Colony, he and the officer in command are to be the sole judges of the manner in which they are to be employed. This is simply a reiterated assertion of the old right to interfere, and we will never be able to act unfettered till every soldier has been shipped off to England. The present despatch states that latitude has been given to General Cameron as to the time of removing the five Regiments and that with respect to the remainder of the force, if it should remain at all it is to be looked upon as a reserve to come to the protection of any district from sudden and unexpected danger, but the internal defence of the colony is to be left to Colonial Troops. Comparatively useless as an Imperial Force would be under such restrictions, we are to pay very high for it. Wheu the Imperial guarantee to the loan was offered on the condition of paying J 240 a-head for the troops, the Assembly at once refused it. The Imperial Government do not consider that our liability is thereby affected, and insists on the increased contribution being paid if wc keep any of the troops. Mr Cardwell Contends, that though we declined the guarantee, that is no reason why the Imperial Government should take upon itself any longer a heavy share of Colonial expenditure, and that looking to the origin of the war both in 1860 and 1863, it was not entered upon in either case “ for the assertion of an Imperial principle or for Imperial objects,” so that the colony is entitled’to make’ a much larger contribution in payment of the troops. It is needless to say that this treatment is both ungenerous and unjust. The war in 1860 was commenced against the wishes of a large party in the colony, by Governor Browne, from the conviction that

lie was asserting the Queen’s supremacy, I while in 1863 the troops invaded the Waikato, to accomplish objects of “ great Imperial concern.” In its origin, its progress, and its close, the last war has been purely an Imperial War, the whole policy pursued has been an Iniperial policy. When Sir George Grey commenced it, he was not troubled with responsible advisers, because the Assembly had,left native affairs wholly to himself; when the Colony roused itself and put forth a policy to suppress the rebellion, it was Imperial interference arrested it midway—when he closed the war with the burlesque of a peace proclamation and drove the late Ministry from office, his proceedings were the result of Imperial instructions. From first to last, Imperial inteiference has been the curse of the Colony, and but for it the rebellion would have been suppressed long ago, by the colonists themselves. We repeat, what we have so long and persistently ascerted, that there is no hope of an effective and consistent policy being adopted and carried out, till the troops have left the colony. So long as a single soldierremains, so long will the right of interference exist. If Sir George Grey and General Cameron in the escercise of the discretionary power conferred upon them, determine that the troops are to be retained, in defiance of the Assembly’s decision, there is nothing left but that the Colony should refuse to pay for the troops, and decline to act with Sir George Grey, till both one and other are got rid of.