NEGRO EMANCIPATION in RELATION TO THE CIVIL WAS in AMERICA.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume 6, Issue 291, 24 July 1865, Page 1

NEGRO EMANCIPATION in RELATION TO THE CIVIL WAS in AMERICA.

[Prom the New Zealand Herald, July 13.] The startling and thrilling intelligence which has lately reached us, respecting the assured success of the Federal arms in the protracted and bloody struggle hitherto existing in America, and the assassination of President Lincoln, will assuredly give the question of Negro Emancipation a degree of importance which it has never yet attained. It may not be uninteresting to our readers if we review the past history of Abolitionism, and recount the events which have brought about results so stupendous and surprising as those which have lately transpired in America.

So long ago as 1846, Mr Seward, and still later, Mr Chase, had agitated the question of Negro Emancipation, and endeavoured to turn the tide of public opinion in a direction favorable to that project. Public opinion was not then sufficiently matured to admit of a change so sweeping and organic in the framework of American society. The heart of the North was not yet fully alive to the magnitude and extent of the great social evil which was blasting and withering the national life—the cup of humiliation which she had yet to drink to the dregs had not then been tilled up, —and it was not until the settlement of the Nebraska territory, and the proposed admission of Kansas as a Free State into the Union, that the proposed line of demarcation between North and South became perceptible. The attempt of the Missourians to compel the Kansas free-soilers to adopt the slave code first gave momentum to the abolition movement in the North ; the first token of the coming struggle being foreshadowed by the contest between Fremont and .Buchanan—gathering strength as time rolled on, and culminating its success by the elevation of Abraham Lincoln, as the exponent of abolition principles, to the Presidential cnair. President Lincoln, in his late inaugural address, thus described the posture of affairs at the period of his accession to office :

Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let it (the Union) perish, and war came. One-eighth of the' whole population were colored slaves, not divided generally over the Union, but located iu the Southern part. These slaves contributed a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that interest would somehow cause war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than restrict the territorial enlargement of it.

As the war wore on, and the gigantic proportions and extent of the strife revealed itself to the Federal Government, it became more and more evident that half measures would be utttrly useless if the repression of rebellion were to be thoroughly effected —that simple restoration to the Union, without tlie removal of slavery, would merely result in the postponement of the struggle to another and more fitting opportunity. President Lincoln accordingly under two proclamations, dated 22nd September, 1862, aan Ist January, 1860, respectively, proclaimed the freedom of the slaves in those States then in secession, excepting from the operation of those proclamations certain “ loyal” States, and portions of Stales, the Border Slave States (except Confederate Virginia), and Tennessee. Public opinion evidently harmonised with these measures. Commissioners specially appointed to report upon the question, recommended as one of the best measures for giving status to the free negro “ military training.” In accordance with that recommendation, the enrolment and equipment of the negroes into regiments of the line was rapidly proceeded with. The Times’ New York correspondent, towards the do e of 1866, makes the following remarks on the altered condition of public sentiment in the North ; There is to my mind little doubt that the abolition cause is carrying everything before it out of doors. The arming of the negro regiments was a decisive, irretrievable step. The war draws to weary length ; slavery gives way before its iron heel; and the North begins to feel that the quickest and surest way to con pound with the rebellion is to trample it utterly, and to crush it and slavery

cause and effect, once for ever. Already there is no doubt that slavery, to all intents and purposes, has ceased to be in the Border States; it is on its last gasp in the other invaded regions. Since the outbreak of the war, the slaves in those territories into which the Northerners have extended their conquests, may be looked upon as virtually lost to their owners. About 600,000 of these have been emancipated ; the rest have been driven b\the Confederates themselves into the Southern States, still defended by their arms.

At the commencement of 1864, nearly one-third of the slave population had actually or virtually, been rescued to freedom. General Thomas (who administered such severe punishment to Early in the Valley of the Shenandoah some months back) organised twenty negro regiments alone in his progress down the Missisippi Valley. General Hunter collected as many more, besides an equal number of men for service in the Quarter-master-Generars department. At New York, where, it will be remembered, the negroes had been made the victims of unmerited persecution, the swarthy legions who defiled through Broadway en route to the seat of war, did so amidst the applause of assembled thousands, and bearing with them the heartfelt good wishes of the people. \ > hatever prejudices existed against the negro troops disappeared with active service in held. The North-western regiments, equally with those from the North-east, frankly admitted that the colored soldiers had proved their manhood by many a deed of daring and gallantry in the Hold, and after their heroic though unsuccessful attempts to storm Fort Hudson, and the self-devotion exhibited by them at the action of Chapin’s harm—the white troops felt that “ the baptism of lire” had made them b ret hern.

The Federal Government commenced the experiment of forming the emancipated negroes into self-supporting communities, by confiscating the Sea Islands, South Carolina. The success of the experiment induced them to extend its operation, and General Sherman, immediately on the capture of Savannah, confiscated a large proportion of the cuast-line, consisting of deserted planations, for the purpose of form in g similar settlements. These settlements are laid out in 20 acre lots, held by the freedmen under a species of military tenure, (subject to the surveilliauce of Government Commissioners,) who adopt a declaration pledging their lives and service to the United Stales, whenever they may be called upon to do so. Whatever might be the intentions of the American Government, in the first instance, the war latterly has had no other object than the abolition of slavery. The enfranchisement of negroes for military purposes might possibly be the result of other than disinterested motives, but the North, in a variety of forms, has put its actions beyond the reach of cavil or misconstruction. In «£he hall where Sumner was dastardly stricken down by a Southern ruffian, for daring to open his mouth on behalf of the negro, Congress recently listened, and respectfully too, to the usual discourse, from the lips of a colored preacher, the Rev. Mr Garnett. Changes as wonderful have taken place in the Judicial Courts. The Supreme Court of the United States whose highest legal authority (the late Chief Justice Taney) held the dictum in tho celebrated Bred Scott case, “ that the negro possessed no right which white men were bound to respect,” lias opened its portals to the negro. Recently a colored gentleman, took the oaths, and was admitted to practice, and as if by historical retributive justice, was introduced by Mr Sumner!

All public conveyances and places of resort are now open to them. These things may appear to be of little import in themselves, but only those who have seen and known the deep-rooted prejudices of Northern men in relation to the negro, can appreciate the wonderful revolution which four years’ warfare has occasioned.

From time to time statements have appeared in the British journals that the Coufedrates were determined, if necesily required the measure, to enrol the slaves for military service. The Times, indeed, prophesied that these Southern slaves would be infinitely superior as combatants to the emancipated colored troops of the North. No other Journal

lias so rashly or rudely attempted to draw aside the curtain which wisely conceals the misty future from human gaze, more clamorously arrogated the gift of prescience, or whose predictions, in regard to the issue of the American struggle, have been so utterly and completely falsified. The prophecies of the Times, in point of inspiration and accuracy, are on a par with these of “John Wroe.” The particlar “ prophecy” referred to, was no exception to the rule. If the late ihtellegence be fully borne out by fact, it is clear that the Confederates have preferred surrender to using the negro element as a military measure of defence—fearful of evoking the demon they might afterwards be unable to lay. General Lee stated in his evidence before the Confederate House of Representatives, that the negroes would be of little use to him as combatants unless he could guarantee them personal freedom on the termination of the war. The proposed was rejected by the slave legislature, as they foresaw the destruction of their properly, representing so many dollars, and doubted the ability of the Confederate Government to recoup the pecuniary loss they would inevitably sustain by the absortion of the negroes into the army. The services of slaves were therefore restricted to fatigue duties, throwing up entrenchments, and other operations of a like nature, in which they could easily be held in check by white troops.

There is little doubt that the real solution of the social problem which brought on the contest between North and South, is now considerably narrowed down, and may be said to turn npun the terms which may he oiiered and accepted, for the reconstruction of the Union.

Some apprehension is felt that there may be a reversion to the status quo ante helium. A moment's reflection will show the groundlessness of such an apprehension. Such is the altered state of public feeling in the North that no administration could again wield the national force to uphold the so-called rights of slave-holders. The whole frontier line between the two sections would be but a vast “ underground railroad,” and every slave escaping across would be irretrievable lost to the South. Besides, how can we imagine slavery to exist, with the presence of strong communities of free negroes plante t in commanding posilionsin Southern territory. The great question at issue will now, in all probability, be referred for solution, from the battle held to the council chamber. In all the arts of political intrigue and diplomacy' - the Southern men are infinitely superior to those of the North. The keen, subtle, and governing intellects, which have ever represented Southern interests gave her a place in the counsels of the nation, not fairly due by virtue of population and wealth—also ove: shadowing the influence of those w’ho represented the great centres of trade and commerce, the strength of manufacturing skill of the North. There is little fear that in the diplomatic contest the Northern men will lightly forego the dear-bought successas they have obtained. They have not fastened a load of debt round their necks and those of their children’s children, and poured out the blood of their best and bravest like water for simple reconstruction of the Union; warned by the experience of the past they will remove the plague spot which has well nigii destroyed the body politic, yet in doing so, ever bearing in remembrance the words of their lute political chief, “ malice toward none, but charity for all, with firmness in the right.” The North will sadly feel the loss, in her councils, of the clear intellect and resolute will of her late President, Abraham Lincoln. Like Cavour, lie has been suddenly removed in the prime of life, just when his hopes and plans were attaining fruition, but before he could see that happy consummation which he will have been mainly instrumental in bringing about. In many respects the historical parallel holds good. Both bad raised themselves from obscurity, by industry and ability, to the highest posts of power—both were the representatives of great political and moral principles—the founders of new eras—and had brought their respective countries through dark and terrible crises in their history. The sun of each went down at noon—the one the victim of an assassin, the other of unskilful

surgery. Wiien the news flashed through Europe “ Cavour is dead 1” how men’s hearts failed them for fear, and the thought leaped up instinctively, “What will become of Italy ?” Yet Italy prospered; and Cavour found no unworthy successors in the mission of founding a great nation, when his task was finished and his work was done, in Bicasoli, Earini, d’Azeglio, and Nigra. So will it be with America; the faith which Abraham Lincoln has imprinted in the heart of the North—the principles which lie held unswervingly in the darkest hour of his country’s fortunes, as in the heyday of success, and at last sealed with his blood will live on. From her midst good men and true, will step into the breach, and earry on the conflict of Right over Wrong, until the foul blot of slavery lias been erased from the national escutcheen. Scant will be the sympathy, and shortlived the regrets of all right-thinking men, for the destruction of the Southern Confederacy. No other Government would have haa the hardihood to flaunt the infamous avowal in the face of civilised Europe, “ That it was the first Government in the world’s history which could claim the proud distinction of being founded on slavery as being necessary and just.” We may see the condition of its public morals—the evidence of what it then was, and what it would hereafter be, in the declaration of its Vice-President, who, without rebuke, applied to the foulest form of wrong on which the light of heaven ever shone, the beautiful language of the Incarnate, “ The stone which the builders rejected the same is become the head of the corner. W hen peace is again restored to distracted and unhappy America—when contentment and plenty again blesses her borders—her people will think with gratitude of Abraham Lincoln, to wfliose resoluteness of purpose and integrity, they will have been mainly indebted for the removal of a great crime, expiated alone by a nation’s blood and a nation’s tears. They will cherish the memory oi one who, meekly bowiug his head to the mighty scourge of w'ar, which had too truly avenged the mutual sin of North and South, declared iu language equally befitting the Christian and the statesman,—” Yet if it be God’s will that this war may continue until the wealth piled by bondsmen of two hundred years’ unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, that the judgments of the Loud are true aud righteous altogether.” Looking back o’er the stormy path he trod, and thinking of his untimely fate, how fitly come thewords of Procter.— Years fledlie wore a manly face. And struggled in the world’s rough race, Aud won, at last a lofty place. And then—he died! Behold before ye. Humanity’s poor sum and story— Life, —Death, —and all that is of Glory.