MR. STAFFORD’S ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume V, Issue 219, 27 January 1865, Page 3

MR. STAFFORD’S ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.

(Concluded from our Wednesday's -publication.)

One question which the Legislature did entertain was that of the Panama Mail Service. I have no doubt Mr. Weld conscientiously thought the colony was bound to accept what Mr. Ward had done in the matter; and, as the Canterbury men declared it did, he may also have believd that the country generally thought so. It is not an uncommon occurrence for the same sis or eight men of one community, constantly meeting, discussing and agreeing on a question, without encountering persons outside their own circle who hold different views, to come complacently, but mistakenly, to believe that their own opinions are those of all men. And so it was in this case. In the address in reply to the Governor’s speecln the paragraph referring to the subject asserted that it was the duty of the Legislature to carry out the Panama Contract, as it was styled. I refuse to admit that it was a contract which Mr Ward, or the Government to which he belonged, had power to make, and the voice of the country, as represented in the House, would not admit it either, or vote for the paragraph in the address. Indeed, save on the part of certain membrs from Canterbury and Wellington, and possibly three or four others, the feeling against it was universal. Mr. J. C. Richmond persuaded the Government to accept instead, a paragraph merely promising the earnest attention of the House to the subject, which left the question open. I may here say that scarcely any three members could have given the Government more useful support than Mr. Richmond. lie sagaciously pointed out the rocks on which the Government bark might strike. Subsequently the Postmaster-General brought in a bill—in itself an admission that, notwithstanding Mr. Ward’s arrangement, the question required the further action of the Legislature. In that bid, four important modifications of the contract with the Panama Company were made. The clauses establishing a monopoly, renewing the Coleman contract, and maintaining the time now taken between Auckland and Dunedin, were done away with; and the course of post between London and Sydney was required to be four instead of live months. Mr. Ward spoke for some three or four hours on the subject, but he did not oppose these modifications. [Mr. Richardson : He expressly admitted they were necessary.] Well, the Postmaster-General was in earnest in inserting these modifications as necessary conditions of any contract with the Panama Company for the service, and the House of Representatives passed the Bill with that understanding. But the At-torney-General, Mr. Sewell, so drafted the modifying- clauses as to leave it discretionary with the Government to enforce any of them except that relating to the course of post. Wiicn I saw the shape in which the Bill went to the Legislative Council, I felt doubtful, and attended in that chamber while the Bill was passing through all its stages in one night, under suspended Standing Orders—which was the fashion last session. There I heard Mr. Sewell, in reply to a question from a member from Canterbury, Mr. Hall, state that the modifying clauses were merely indications of what the Government would like, but that, except as to the course of post, they were not essential conditions. Thus one member of the Government had got the Bill passed by one House under one character, while another member of the Government gave an entirely different character to it in the other House! Is that satisfactory legislation ? Such a proceeding is opposed to the whole principle of responsible government. A Government cannot be responsible to the country unless all its members are as one man, with a common unity of purpose and action. It must be a Government as one whole, uot a Government of particles. Were it not to be so, instead of the Premier selecting his colleagues the House might require to choose them by ballot [bear, hear]. On another question I could not concur hi the course taken. I differed as to the propriety of attempting to administer native affairs at pretent from a distance, and it now seems, the Government virtually admit that I was right, for the Defence Minister is to remain at Auckland. Mr. Richmond will correct me if I have been misinformed. [Mr. Richmond: I believe lie will remain there until wanted somewhere else]. That is an altogether false position both for the Defence Minister and the Government. Some important event will arise which will require the Defence Minister to act at once, unassisted, ou his own responsibility, in a way that may seriously commit and embarras the Government. They ought all to be together, not divided. But new, the Defence Minister is at Auckland; other Ministers are at Wellington. Where is the Native Minister to be, or the Governor to reside ? At Hawaii ? And who is to manage when war breaks out at Wanganui? Eor there will be war there. You may call it “roads,” if you like, but the attempt to make a road at present from Wanganui to Taranaki will produce war. General Cameron knew that when he sent two additional regiments to Wanganui. I have told you how the Legislature acted. On a Thursday, they suspended the Standing Orders, and passed the Customs Act. On Friday, the Standing Orders were again suspended, certain financial resolutions passed, the interest on the war loan raised, and a bill passed, authorizing the issue of debenturcs.for a million. The Debenture Bill was a very wise measure. It wDI enable the loan to be disposed of advantageously at leisure, instead of being forced on the London market at an unfavorable time like the present. Having done this, a large number of members rushed home on Saturday, and the Legislature was prorogued ou the next Tuesday. In the two days that were left, I gave notice on Monday, and moved on Tuesday that it was desirable that the Government should prepare a bill for levying a property and income tax. I had intended moving this on the previous Friday, when the financial resolutions were proposed, if the

Standing Orders had not been suspended; bub when that took place I left the House, for, although it is a necessary part of the working of representative government that the majority should prevail, I will not consent to become a mere machine to register, without an opportunity for fair consideration, the edicts of any majority [hear, hear]. With respect to a property and income tax, I think the country will require it. The taxation of the country is increasing, and will yet be heavier. Things cannot remain as they are now Large liabilities exist, and others will yet have to be entered into. The advances of the banks to various provinces, and the large public words in progress and proposed, require money, and ures must be taken in the next session—which is to be held, it is believed, in May—to provide fc r these wants. The taxation must be apportioned in a statesmanlike way, and, if the General Assent bly will not do this, it may as well be done away with. lam not sanguine that the tax I refer to will be carried next session, for I know there is a strong feeling against it. Such a tax would be a novelty in this, and, as far as I know, in any colony. Still there is amongst those who have most thought on the subject, an increasing belief in favor of such a tax, as a fair mode of providing for a portion o the public revenue in old countries; and it remains to be proved that what is good for an old, is not good for a young country. The chance of its being soon carried will of course depend on who supports the project, and as I, believing that it would be necessary, have called public attention to the subject, the country can make up its mind at the approaching general election, I do not know that I need allude to any other question except that of the separation of the coloin 7 into two Governments. This question was introduced by an Auckland member, but it was not considered on its own merits alone, but in connection with the removal of the seat of Government. I sympathise deeply with the people of Auckland, at the removal of the Government at such a time. With a number of escaped native prisoners tending to provoke hostilities north of Auckland, and many native tribes in avowed rebellion south of Auckland ; at such a time to prevent any Auckland member from being in the Ministry, 1 think both unwise and unfair. (Hear, hear.) In the present case the" effect was to exclude from any share in the Go vernment at a most critical time, about one-third of the Legislature. Such a course towards a largo province, or a small one either, would quite warrant the electors refusing to elect members to the Legislature, or purposely electing persons not in the colony, as the people of Victoria elected Lord Grey, when they were determined to force separation from .New South Wales. But this separation question will be heard again, and will have to bo considered. It is strongly agitating the people of Auckland at the present moment, and is again rising in Otago, and I think it may soon extend to Canterbury. I have never been a separatiouist, for I can recognise many political evils and weaknesses which would ensue from cutting the colony into two. Amongst these it would follow, if the Middle Island were made a separate colony, that the largo interests of Canterbury and Otago would stifle (he voice of Nelson and Marlborough. Those small provinces would never be heard in opposition to the large political influences of the greater provinces. As things are now however, the conflict of so many interests from North to South results in a position in which all the provinces are heard. Hut, in future, Nelson cannot expect, as a province, to have great weight in the councils of Now Zealand. Some years since Nelson sent to the House of Representatives one-sixth of the total number of members; now, she sends little more than a tenth of the whole number; and, after the next session of the Assembly, I fear it will be found that Nelson wall have a still less numerical proportion after the approaching readjustment of the representation of the colony. Other provinces will have increased in a greater degree than Nelson ; and, if tiie larger provinces band together for the attainment of political objects, there will he no chance for the small provinces. Something, of course, will depend upon the character of the individual representatives who may be enabled to exert some small counteracting influence. There is no doubt that on general political grounds it would be safer for Nelson to remain part of one large colony, as at present, and better for New Zealand also to grow into greatness as ouo united country. On the other hand, there would be a present pecuniary gain, or rather saving, to all of the Middle Island, if it were separated from the North Island ; and so pressing is the money question now becoming, that it is impossible to determine positively, at the present moment, what it might be best yet for all the Middle Island to do, or that circumstances might not so dcvelope themselves that, as a choice between two evils, it might not be right to vote for separation. I would never propose to abandon the North, but if the North itself wishes for separation, as it now appears to do, I am not prepared to say that if the question was brought forward again, I might not perhaps vote for it. Gentlemen, I beg to thank you for the patience with which you have heard me. And 1 will take this opportunity of offering very sincere thanks to the electors of Nelson generally for much kindness and forbearance which they have shown towards me during the considerable period in which I have taken part in public afi'airs, both general and provincial. I am aware that at times dissatisfaction may have been felt at some acts of mine, but, whatever mistakes I may have made, 1 have ever tried to do what was —I will not say absolutely the best—but what seemed at the time the best practicable thing for the public interests. If I had to act over again, with the light of subsequent experience, there are some things I have done which 1 would not do, and somethings I have left undone which I would try to do. But whatever I may have done or left undone, was from some public consideration and for no private object. Neither I nor mine have benefited, but have rather lost, from my attention to public affairs. During the time I have been a member, I have been present from the day of opening to the day of prorogation in each session, and have given my best attention to all public questions from a consideration for the public requirements only. (Applause.)