Hawke's Bay Times. NAPIER, WEDNESDAY, 4th JANUARY, 1865.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume V, Issue 209, 4 January 1865, Page 2

Hawke's Bay Times. NAPIER, WEDNESDAY, 4th JANUARY, 1865.

Unsatisfactory as the state of native affairs con essetlly was at the time of the resignation of the late Ministry, there does not seem to he much probability of any great improvement in the aspect of these affairs under the auspices of the present one, for though it is indeed true that certain genera! principles have been agreed to by the several discordant elements of this amorphous body, we cannot hope to see the details necessary to the carrying out of these principles so unanimously adopted hy them.

It is scarcely possible that men who are, from all that has appeared before the public, even more tainted with the philo-Maori mania than Sir George himself, will pull well together with others of opposite principle—that those who acknowledge a desire to gain the submission ot the rebels by compromises, bribes, and any or every means but force, will consent readily to the adoption of measures that of necessity involves the exercise of force in their prosecution, even though it be for the accomplishment of 1 - an end desired no dmbt, alike by all.

ivo person will be found to deny the fact that the opening up of the country by means of the formation of roads, combined with the establishment of inland settlements sufficiently strong fur their maintenance, would greatly tend to the quelling of this rebellion and afterwards to preserve the peace of the Colony. Although politicians of principles such as Messrs. Sewell, Mantell, Featherston. and Fitzberbert, with Governor Grey at their

head, must see and acknowledge the desirability oi tne scheme, and even agree to its adoption as they have done, the question of of the means to be employed for it execution still remains unanswered.

It is absolutely certain that those tribes that have already joined the rebellion will resist the execution of the scheme. It is equally certain that the mere presence of a body of troops with the road-party .will fail to awe them into submission, especially if the said troops have orders to retire from such resistance, a contingency by no means improbable, and which if not previously known to the rebels, would quickly be discovered, as it could scarcely be said to be unprecedented in the history of our dealings with the race.

Now as, in all probability, a disagreement on this question of force, or on some other point of detail, will speedily arise in the Ministerial camp, or, failing this, that Sir George himself will put his veto on its execution, it follows that the ministry becomes dismembered, and resigns—a difficulty amounting to an impossibility arises in the way of the formation of another possessing the confidence of the people, and willing to work with Sir George—by further consequence he asutnes a dictatorial position as a necessity for the preservation of Imperial interests in the government of the native race.

We are quite aware that there are politicians in the colony who look upon the question between the people and the Governor as already virtually settled, and consider that the popular cause has triumphed, that Sir George, perceiving the failure of his policy, and the home authorities the impracticability, of double Government, will yield with the best grace they may to what they find to be an irresistable force, and we cannot say that such politicians have no ground for such an opinion. His Excellency's recent written pledge given to Mr. Weld, and his still more recent proclamation to the rebels, would seem to confirm the opinion. We cannot share ir however, because we have no confidence in bis Excellency, having seen too much of his antecedents, we rather believe that Ins will prove to be a policy of perfect elasticity—giving way to pressure, expanding with a strain, and as soon as either force is removed returning to its former state.