NEW ZEALAND.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume IV, Issue 201, 18 November 1864, Page 2 (Supplement)

NEW ZEALAND.

(From the IFe.s ttminsier lie dew.) CCouiinuedfrom our hixt.J

Tlie ministerial scheme of native government, when matured, was embodied in five Acts of the Assembly : —Tor the constitution and regulation of native districts—for the administration of justice in those district; —for the support and management of native schools—for the colonization of mixed settlements—and for the recognition of aboriginal title to land in such a manner as to give to individual natives, under conditions, the rights incident to landed property, including, though to a limited extent, that of selling to the best bidder ; thus at last sanctioning what had been so long urged upon the Government by the northern colonists —the principle of “direct purchase,” or, as it was preferably termed, “the enfranchisement of native lands.” To all of these, but the last, the Governor was a consenting party. But the Territorial Bights Bill, as the last was termed, contained provisions to which he could not agree. Among other objections, the chief of all was this, —that not the Governor, but the “Governor in Council,” was empowered to act. The Council consisted of the colonial responsible advisers. This limitation of power was resisted by the Governor, who thought it an infringement of the compact made when Parliamentary Government was inaugurated. The representatives of the colonists insisted that tliej’ hud been most careful not to trespass in tlie slightest degree upon the powers retained by the Governor; that he had them still, but that if additional powers were to be given by the Assembly, the Governor must be content to exercise those, but those only, under the advice of his ministers ; otherwise, they would leave him where lie was before. Both parties thought themselves right,; but not the slightest irritation was manifested on cither side. The Governor did not veto the Act, but scut it home with reasons why it should - be disallowed by the Queen ; audit was disallowed accordingly. Now these five Acts were intimately connected, being, in reality, several portions of a whole. The Territorial Bights Act was (he very keystone to the arch. When (his was disallowed, the others became little better than dead letters: the attempt of the colonists to provide effectual government for the Maori was baulked ; and the native office reigned supreme.

But the state of native affairs was becoming more and more critical. There was evidently a great upheaving of 1 lie Maori mind. The people were fast a wakening to the hollowness of our promises—to a sense of their true position, which was that of the fabled hat, between the birds and the beasts. British subjects only in subjection ; called upon to pay allegiance without enjoyment of the corresponding privileges ; their own nationality lost, and even such influence as their chiefs had once possessed for the maintenance of something like order, melting away. Hitherto we had ruled them on the principle of divide et impares ; they now, for the first time, turned their thoughts to unity of action. The Government were warned, through the public press, of the serious nature of the movement, bat the native office turned n deaf ear. Laissez-faire was the order of the day. The idea of combination was scouted by the old school of “ Maori doctors,” who in all their experience

had never heard of such a thing. The colonists recognized the signs of the times, but the native olliee slept.

The laud again was the cause of tho revolution. The time had been when the natives were dissatisfied because the Government could not buy. Now, after having parted with more than half the country, they began to be chary of offer. Di s lik 0 to a Government which appeared to them a mere bargainer for (heir property, joined to n deeprooted jealousy of further European advance info tlu-ir territory, caused many to oppose any further cession of territory. Yet more land was really wanted in tho northern portions of the colony, on account of the influx of settlers, who certainly were not slow to complain. In order to meet the pressure, the “ ground-bait” system, so called in the Assembly, and severely commented upon, was introduced. It is impossible for us to say precisely when, or by whom, it was invented ; it is enough to say that it was in common use.

_ It is is scarcely necessary to mention that Maori lands are held, notin severalty, hut in common ; and that they cannot be alienated unless by consent of tho tribe. “ Ground-bait” was the clandestine purchase, from individuals, of their part interest in the block—the scattering of small sums of money among those of the tribe who might be found accessible to temptation. Mr. Commissioner, without entering into further negotiations, would then retire from the scene of operations, leaving the mischief to work. “Taboo whenua” (land-stealing) was tho expression applied to the system by the natives. The certain result would be dissention with the tribe ; and at last tho objectors, wearied out with strife, would sometimes consent to the formal public sale, for the sake of quiet. Sometimes the land would be kept, and the money too ; but it is to be presumed that the manamvre was, upon the whole, found profitable, for otherwise it would have been abandoned, i his, together with the advantage we had undoubtedly taken of the frequent intertribal feuds, oven while honestly deploring them and the consequent bloodshed, begat tho fixed idea that our main endeavours were bent towards obtaining undisturbed possession of the country, by causing them to consume each other.

The one strong feeling in the Maori is that of independence. From the first, they had never lost sight of their nationality. They had never intended to coalesce with the Pakeha, though willing and pleased to pay common allegiance to the Queen, whom they regarded with trust and affection ; to whom they were always ready to appeal against any invasion of their privileges ; against the Instructions of 1846, and against the occupation of the Waitara. Governors they cared little about, though ready to sign any number of complimentary addresses ; “ for what,” they would say, “is the value of a piece of paper?” The Governor was to them not so much the Queen’s representative, * as the man who carried the bag. \V ben there was a Lieutenant-Governor, who had no power over the public purse, they nicknamed him llikepene (sixpence). For the white Kunanga (the Assembly)—they cared still less, not even troubling themselves, save in exceptional instances, to register their votes; for which, we believe, many might legally have qualified as householders, though not, under their custom of common tenure, as freeholders. They were content to keep amicable company with us—to enjoy the benefit of the same laws ; but not to amalgamate. The fusion of races was what they mainly feared. “ Salt water and fresh,” they said, “do not mix Well together.”

1 lie Maoris were as well aware as we are of the political importance which the possession of landed property confers. They had already parted with nearly the whole of the Middle Island, and with seven millions of acres in the Northern Island. It is true that they had yet far more than they could ever expect to use ; but if alienation were to go on at the same rate, it would not take long to reduce them all to pauperism. They did not take example from the Homan epicure, who slew himself for fear of starvation when reduced to a fortune of not more than eighty thousand pounds ; but took effective means of securing what was left. A number of influential tribes combined in the formation of a Land League. We pass over, ns comparatively unimportant, the Taranaki Land League, so called; making mention of it only because it has been assiduously confused, for political purposes, with the true one. It was originated on the western coast,.!in 1819, on account of the sale by Ngatiapa of a piece of land lying between Wanganui acd Otaki; the price paid for which was deemed unsatisfactory. This movement appears to have been merely of a local nature, to hinder further alienation of a specific tract of country and differing in so far from the Land League subsequently formed at Waikato, winch was based on the principle that no lands whatever ought to be thenceforward alienated. The Waikato league wss a serious affair, for the more northern settlers were much cramped in their farming operations. It was also needless ; for the Government, with all their shortcomings, were far from desiring to denude the Maori to a really injurious extent. Buti the absolute right of league was undeniable. “ Unwise as it may be,” observes the late Attorney-General, “this compact, so long as it is confined in its operation to whose who are parties to it, is no more an offence against the law than an ‘ eight hours’ movement,’ or a ‘temperance league.’ ”

Not so the King movement, which, in a technical point of view, was treasonable. Not that the promoters of it intended treason, any more than did that unlucky publican who was condemned and banged for having said that ho would make his son heir to the Crown. They seem, so far as they thought at all about the matter, to have deemed it not inconsistent with allegiance ; and had they chosen to confer upon Potatau the First a different title—had they called him Patriarch,

* The Governor is commonly, but erroneously, regarded as the " representative" of the Crown. “ Not in fact," says Lord Brougham; "he does not even represent the Sovereign generally, having only the functions delegated to him by his commission, and being only the officer to execute the special powers with which the commission clothes him.” And the Jlaories have always been taught by authority to regard the Queen personally as their ruler and governor, who, though far away, is ever mindful of their interests, and to whom, if wronged, they are to appeal as one ever willing to listen to their words.—Swainson’s “ New Zealand."

or Superintendent, it would have been difficult to prove any contravention of the forms of law. So little, indeed, did the Government objeut to the word, that they left the King in receipt of his pension, and paid for his coffin furniture.

It is dangerous to speak precisely, either in regard to motive or time, of what was long in assuming a definite form, and which in its origin was no larger than a grain of mustard-seed. We are inclined to believe, however, that the main object of the King movement was, the consolidation of the land league. As might bo expected, when it waxed strong, its purposes were extended. A characteristic story is told of an occurrence which took place at one of the earlier deliberative meetings, at Taupo, in 1856. Many proposals had been made to adopt extreme measures; the more violent party advocated a clear sweep of all the pakehas, Governor, missionaries, pakeha Maoris, and all. .At one of the evening meetings, which was held in a large house lighted up for the occasion, one of the advocates for a general clearing out was very eloquently pressing his views upon his audience, when Tarahawaiki of Ngaruawahia walked quietly round, and, one after the other, put out the lights,-till the place was in total darkness, and the speaker in possession of the house was brought to a full stop. “ Don’t you think you had better light up the candles again ?” he said. “ Most certainly,” replied Tarahawaiki, “it was very foolish to extinguish them!” The meeting at once apprehended the meaning of this symbolical act, and the orator sat down amid roars of laughter, enjoyed at the expense of the exterminator.