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GENERAL SUMMARY.

(From tlio Home News , May 26.) In our last we reported that the answers of the Russian Government to the despatches of the three Rowers were daily expected. These documents hare since been published hi extenso. The reply to England is at considerable length, and closely argumentative, with a tinge of severity running through it. Austria is dismissed briefly, and with apparent indiffei-enee ; and France is treated with friendly courtesy. But all three agree in refering the causes of the Polish movement to that cosmopolitan revolutionary spirit which has already convulsed other parts of Europe, and which Russia evidently thinks it the duty of the European Powers to put down, before they come preaching constitutional reforms to the Court of St. Petersburgh. As to Poland, Russia, of course, is quite ready to introduce improvements. Prince Gortschakoff is stated to have read his programme of reforms to the three ambassadors; but who trusts in Russian promises ? If there bo no better chance of bringing the insurrection to a close than the professions of the Government, the prospect of a settlement is remote indeed. There is little change in the aspect of Polish afl'airs beyond the ever-creasing activity of the insurgents. The revolution daily spreads into new districts, and the revolutionary government daily acquires enlarged power and a wider horizon of public confidence. It almost reigns openly and absolutely in Warsaw. It has decreed freedom to the peasants of Volhynia, and declared illegal all the financial acts of the Russian government ; and not only has it assumed the functions of an established authority, but organised and announced a general rising to take place on the Ist of June. The country, undoubtedly, seems ripe for such a measure. Volhynia, the Ukraine, Little Russia, and Western Russia are all described as being in open revolt, and Finlaud is beginning to betray symptoms of uneasiness and disaffection. The attitude of the people is not to be mistaken, and the Czar seems resolved to meet it with fire and sword. He has issued orders for two conscriptions to be immediately carried into effect, which will place about 200,000 men at his command. Poland lias been divided into districts out of which the inhabitants are strictly forbidden to move without passports; and attempts are making to stir up the elements of a religious war. .The real nature of the situation is plainly pourtrayed in the language held by the Archduke Constantine, who has intimated to his officers his belief that an European war is inevitable. If such a result be precipitated, the independence of Poland would be the ultimate issue. The whole of Europe now may be said to have remonstrated with Russia, the last “ notes” to that effect having been despatched by Holland, Denmark, and Portugal; and if Russia stake Poland on a war, she must fight at overwhelming odds.

Tho Prussian Cabinet and the Prussian Assembly hare at last come into close collision. A trial of strength can no longer be avoided, and upon the issue hangs tho future fate of the country. There never was a more definite contest. It is constitutional government on the one side, and pure and simple despotism on tho other. In a debate on military expenditure, the War Minister charged a deputy with improper language, and was interrupted by the President. The minister refused to acknowledge his right to call him to order. The President rang his bell ; the minister roared ; and, finally, the President put on his hat, the signal by which the Chamber was adjourned. When the sitting was resumed, the ministers refused to attend, and the next day they made a formal communication to tho Assembly, to the effect that they would not attend again, unless an acknowledgment was made, absolving them from all responsibility to the Chamber. The question was referred to a special committee ; and finally, the House resolved, by a majority of 295 votes against 20, that the arrogant demand should be rejected. It was rejected accordingly, and the minister's were formally summoned to attend the sittings of the Chamber, as they are required to do by the constitution. When the Chamber reopened after this resolution, a message was read from'the King, in which his Majesty reproved the • House for supporting the unconstitutional con-' . duct df its President, advised it to terminate that ‘■unseemly State of things, and declared his entire’ approval of the'conduct of ministers. In answer to this message, the Chamber has adopted an ad- • dress, in ■Which it firmly re asserts its privileges, - Majesty to put nn end -to a sitn-

ation which contains serious dangers for the monarchy and State. This address appears to have brought matters to issue. The King has refused to it in the usual way from the hands of a deputation, so that,- as on a former occasion, it must be sent, like any common communication, in the form of a letter. The next scene in this strange drama will, probably, bo the dissolution of the Chamber. At what pai’t of the action will the people of Prussia come upon the stage.

Uncertainty still hangs over the Greek throne. It is not unnatural that the deputation at Copenhagen should bo growing impatient. Prince Christian continues to demand conditions which he cannot get, and the impediment he lias raised is so hopeless that the Government have postponed their official reception of the deputation till the Ist of June, it being by no means certain that they will receive them even then. In the meanwhile, Greece is in flames. The troops have become utterly demoralised. Athens is nearly abandoned to the brutality of the soldiers. The provisional government is unable to repress the daring outrages that are daily committed ; aud in one case, where a young Austrian girl was seized in the streets and subjected to the most brutal usage, the British minister was obliged to threaten that, unless justice were done, he would quit the capital. This menace seems to have had some effect. The Assembly severely censured the government, and the censure has been followed by a change of ministers. But all such measures are merely provisional, and must fail to reach the source of the evil. The interregnum is prolific of mischief; and if it be continued much longer the protecting Powers must once more take Greece into their own hands.

There is no doubt that the French have taken Puebla ; but the acquisition has been purchased severely. The assault contindu ofor six days. The resistance on the part of the Mexicans was heroic.■fvThey fought the besiegers hand to hand with the courage and rage of lions. It was a bayonet and pistol fight from house to house ; and the garrisons were no sooner dislodged from one spot than they established themselves in another. The wonderful thing is that under such 'circumstances the French loss was so small. They had only five officers and 55 soldiers killed. It is true they had 30 officers and 443 private? wounded, and death may make up a heavy account from that list. It is the policy of the French press to make it appear that the Mexicans are favourable to the invaders ; and they have the audacity to speak of the defences of Puebla as an evidence of the friendly feeling of tho people. This is the Irish way of showing regard. It has no parallel except that of the Irishman who gets drunk, and knocks his friend down for love.

The French elections are fixed for the 31st of May and the Ist of June. The government look forwai’d to the result witli an apprehension which they do not attempt to conceal, and have issued a circular to the prefects, informing them that a coalition of old parties has been formed against the State, and directing them to “ designate loudly ” the candidates in whom the government repose confidence. “ Let the population,” says this plain-spoken document, “who are the friends or adversaries, more or less disguised, of tho Emperor.” Every species of official influence is consequently to be put into motion to secure the end aimed at. The local press is gagged : printers are not allowed to print candidates’ cards ; and village Mayors are ordered to canvass the peasantry for the government candidates. And this is what is called freedom-under the institution of universal suffrage.

Tbe recent proceedings in Parliament have been of some interest and of unusual variety. The great question was the proposed extension of the income-tax to charity trust-funds. On the morning of the day set down for this discussion. Mr. Gladstone received one of the most remarkable deputations that probably ever waited on a Minister. It consisted of a perfect mob of great people, including the Duke of Cambridge, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, who had come to remonstrate with the Chancellor of the Exchequer on behalf of various public charities which they represented. Of course, it ended in nothing: but it was not marked with quite so much diplomatic courtesy as such scenes are ordinarily distinguished by. Archdeacon Denison declared that he never could understand Mr. Gladstone ; and Mr. Gladstone, on his part, hinted that the deputation was intended rather to awe him socially than to convince his reason.

Mr, Gladstone’s speech in the evening was a singular display of cold reasoning; exceedingly subtle in its mode of presenting facts, and strictly logical in its deduction from them. But it failed to convince the House. The Commons, and indeed, the country, was against him, and it was idle to contend. There was but one course left, and lie adopted it without hesitation. He withdrew the obnoxious clause, and left the field of criticism open to the sarcasms of Mr. Disraeli. He has since withdrawn his proposed tax upon the consumption of spirits and wine in clubs. A bill for whipping garotters has passed through committee in the House of Commons. There was an episode about the kind of “ cat” that was to be used, which produced more laughter from tho House than wc suspect it will from the garotters to whom it is to be applied by-and-bye. An eductional motion by Mr. Walter, seconded by Mr. Buxton, to extend participation in the public grant to all schools to which tho general efficiency was satisfactory to Government Inspector, the employment of a certificated master ceasing to be a sine qua non, has been thrown out by a decisive majority. Mr. Lowe declared that the adoption of Sir. Walter’s resolution would involve the annihilation of the entire system of certificates and Government training, and the House evidently agreed with him. The Government has announced its grand scheme for tho relief of Lanchshire. Tho plan is broad enough for its purpose. It is to provide employment for tho people in muncipal works, and tho reclamation of waste lands. This design is to bo worked out through the machinery of the

Boards of Health, who are invested with powers for the improvement of the cotton cities which they have never put in motion, and which they are now called to use at once for the purpose of bringing this abundant supply of labor into activity. In order to accomplish this object, it will be indispensable for the Boards of Health to raise loans. They have authority to do so ; but will they they do so P It is supposed they will do so at once for the best of all possible reasons—that if they do not, they will be forced to do so, by pressure from without or within. The decision must be arrived at, one way or the other, in three weeks, for the want is urgent, and when it becomes known in Lancashire that such a pi'oject has been brought before Parliament, the clamour in the distressed districts will allow no peace to the guardians till it is fairly organised. An agent has been despatched with very largo powers, and the result is looked forward to with confidence. The plan when it is in full work will give employment to 70,000 laborers.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HBT18630810.2.11

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Hawke's Bay Times, 10 August 1863, Page 2 (Supplement)

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,010

GENERAL SUMMARY. Hawke's Bay Times, 10 August 1863, Page 2 (Supplement)

GENERAL SUMMARY. Hawke's Bay Times, 10 August 1863, Page 2 (Supplement)

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