GENERAL SUMMARY.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 129, 3 July 1863, Page 3

GENERAL SUMMARY.

(From the Home News, April, 27.)

The discussions in Parliament on the subject of our “ relations” with America place beyond all doubt the perilous crisis in which both countries are placed. It is not alone that rash and ill-judging orators on both sides of the Atlantic have been doing their best to fan the flame of hostility ; but that special circumstances have arisen to give point to their taunts and recriminations. On

the side of America there is the complaint against England for the assistance which her shipbuilders have afforded to the Confederates, by constructing vessels for them ; and on the part of England there is the much more tangible charge against America of seizing merchant vessels bound for neutral ports, and sending them to prize courts, without sufficient grounds, or, after inflicting considerable delay and loss on the owners, setting them free again. So far as there exists any justification for accusing the English Government of showing favour to the Confederates, the question, if reason were allowed to be the arbitrator, might easily be settled and is abundantly answered by the course adopted with reference to the Alexandra. But on the other side, the charge is explicit and capable of proof. English vessels have been seized, without any evidence of a guilty complicity with the Confederates, and the rule laid down by the Federal government with respect to vessels carrying mail bags has been violated by its own officers. These matters are now under the serious consideration of her Majesty’s Ministers. In both Houses of Parliament indignant language has been uttered which is certainly not calculated to soothe the irascible merchants of New York; and unless great forbearance be exercised where it is most needed, the issue will not be such as to mend the good “ relations” between this country and Federal America. ,

Mr. Adams, the Federal minister in London, has committed himself to a step which is likely to lead to “ explanations ” that may make had worse. He has taken upon himself to determine what is “ honest ” and what is “ dishonest ” trading in English vesels, and has carried his interference to the extent of giving certificates to vessels of whose “ enterprise ” he approves, so that they |may he permitted to pass the seas unmolested ! An illustration of this unprecedented usurpation of authority is furnished by a letter addressed to Admiral Dupont, commanding the Federal fleet in the Gulf of Mexico, in which Mr. Adams says that “ amidst the multitude of fraudulent and dishonest enterprises from this kingdom [England] to furnish supplies to the rebels in the United States through the pretence of a destination to some port in Mexico,” it gives him “ pleasure ” to distinguish a particular firm (which he names) as an honest enterprise to furnish arms to the Mexicans, and he accordingly requests the admiral to let the bearer pass. By this interference Mr. Adams places liimself in a very awkward situation. He herein undertakes to protect English merchants who are already, or ought to he protected by international law and their own country; and he furthermore commits the very act as between France and Mexico, which lie charges England with committing as between North and South. If it b° fraudulent and dishonest to convey supplies to the “ rebels,” is at least equally fraudulent and dishonest in Mr. Adams to abet the conveyance of arms to the Mexicans. By this proceeding he also undertakes to determine what enterprises English vessels may lawfully embark in, and what they may not; and having determined this, he then gives them permission to sail under his protection. In a subsequent case, when application was made to him for a similar certificate for another vessel he declares that he has no authority to exercise such discrimination, and that the course he had previously taken had been misconceived! He was evidently by this time beginning to discover his mistake, and was getting rather alarmed at his own thunder. Earl Bussell has very properly declined to open any correspondence with Mr. Adams on this subject, but has referred the whole question to the American government.

The war itself, in the meanwhile is dragging its slow but violent length along. The Federate have opened the attack on Charleston, and failed. Out of nine ironclads which opened fire at 2 o’clock on Fort Sumter, at 3,000 yards two withdrew at 4 o’clock, one disabled, and the other a wreck. The attack was not renewed, although the remaining seven still floated -within the bar. This repulse has been felt as a severe blow in the North, and will hasten the advance of General Hooker upon Richmond. It is expected he will cross the Rappahannock at Port Royal about the Ist of May, and move direct upon Richmond. He will, of course, be met half-way, and one of those battles may be looked for, upon the issues of which the Federate have so often rested the fortune of the future. o Greece, it is to be hoped, has reached the summit of her desires in the new choice she has made of a sovereign. Prince William of Denmark, the brother of our Princess of

Wales, who in the fulness of time may become Queen of England, recommended by the English Government for the vacant throne of Greece, has been unanimously elected by the National Assembly, under the title of George I. It would not be possible to select from the whole range of European courts a prince more happily circumstanced in reference to alliances, and to freedom from personal and dynastic objections, than Prince William of Denmark. He brings with him the habits of constitutional government; he is not committed by family engagements te any ties likely to embarrass his action, or to prejudice him in the eyes of the people he is called upon to govern ; and by his connection with England he possesses all the advantages the Greeks could have derived from the accession of Prince Alfred, without awakening any of the jealousies which such accession would undoubtedly have occasioned. Prince Christian made certain conditions upon the acceptance of the crown by his son, which caused a little delay at first; but they have been satisfactorily met by the three Powers. Commissioners are shortly to meet in London for the final settlement of the kingdom.

0 Instead of the Polish revolution having flagged since the flight of Langiewicz on the night of the 18th March, it has broken out into fiercer flames than before. The contradictions of the telegrams are now accounted for. One day we had a stirring appeal to the people from the revolutionary committee in Warsaw; and the next brought a circumstantial statement to the effect that the same committee had countermanded the enlistments, and directed the insurgents to lay down their arms. This turns out to be simply a “ weak invention of the enemy.” At the very time when the Russians were circulating these monstrous fabrications, the insurrection was bursting forth in a hundred new places. The assertion that, in abandoning his ground, and dividing his forces, Langiewicz intended to pass into Lublin for the purpose of raising that district, acquires a strong colour of probability from the fact that the whole of the country is now in arms and that the insurgents have in different places surprised and dispersed the Russian troops. Since the withdrawal of Langiewicz, the whole of Poland has quickened into life. There is not a single district in the entire kingdom, along the Prussian frontier into Couriand and Livonia, extending to the coast of the Baltic, and the shore of the Gulf of Riga, that is not in open revolt. To the eastward, where the danger to Russia is greatest, the fire lias spread, and Lithuania is said to be traversed by increasing bands of insurgents. All ranks are in the field, from the peasants upwards through the middle classes to the The war is carried on successfully. ; Guerilla tactics are everywhere adopted, and the Russians are tracked, ambushed, and cut to pieces by flying battalions, who appear to execute their work, and disappear before the regular troops have time to get into order. The Russians are so vividly impressed with the disadvantages they labour under from this mode of attack, that they have resolved to adopt it themselves, and for that purpose have determined upon breaking up their troops into small detachments which may easily be transported from place to place. Russia has offered an amnesty to all Poles who will lay down their arms; and all Poles capable of bearing arms have indignantly refused the offer. The Provisional Government have gone farther. They have issued a proclamation, declaring that the people will never lay down their arms till the independence of Poland shall have been achieved ; and they have further divided the kingdom of Poland into districts, for the more effectual collection of taxes and supply of contingents. The insurrection instead of quailing before the proposals of Russia, which, like the wreaths of Harraodius, cona sword within, has become more formidable than ever. There is scarcely a solitary spot in which tlie revolution is not now developed, and the national character of the movement is placed beyond a doubt by the universality of the support which it receives. The Central Committee is making indefatigable exertions to raise revenues to carry on the war, and have issued a decree for collecting an income-tax, which is rigidly enforced. Europe no longer looks on with indifference at this calamitous struggle. Despatches were transmitted to St. Petersburg on the night of the 10th April from the Cabinets of Vienna, Paris, and Lonbon remonstrating on the treatment of Poland, and answers may be expected towards the end of the month If nothing satisfactory come of this step, it is supposed that a Congress will be convoked.