A POLICY FOR THE COLONY.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume II, Issue 126, 22 June 1863, Page 3

A POLICY FOR THE COLONY.

[From the Nelson Examiner, June 3]. The magnitude of the struggle now recommenced in the North Island ought not to be blinked. The colony is vulnerable by its wealth and habits of peace ; the natives strong in the impenetrability of the country, and the small number of the hostages they have given to fortune. If they are losing, they may have the fierceness of despair ; if they are winning, they will have nothing within to restrain the thirst of blood and license of savagery. War, always horrible seen close at hand, will in such a case, take its most horrid form. The temper of the natives is darker than it has yet been, and the excitement of a final struggle has touched even the men living around us in Nelson. They show a sympathy with their countrymen across the Straits, which, though it should not alarm us, should put us on our guard. We heed every honest effort to mitigate the struggle. We would gladly learn that comments and suggestions through the press are needless, and that a policy, a general view of the difficulty, of the means of meeting it for the present, and of the final exit, is really entertained by Sir George Grey. But no hint of an authentic kind finds its way from the mind of Governor or Ministers to the public during the long recess of the General Assembly, and the several acts that the public sees, have not the semblance of connexion or plan, but look rather like hasty, nervous clutchings, arising on the moment, and out of the moment’s events. The Governor’s comprehension of the state of affairs has been, hitherto, much less complete and true than that of the public. His anticipations have been signally disappointed, unless we are to suppose that he is always wearing a mask, and pretending hopes which he does not feel—attempting to deal with natives and colony like a nursemaid with children, or a keeper of lunatics with his charge. This being the case, the public is bound to speak constantly and freely. In proposing an ultimatum, an object, and precise terms to be struggled for, we ought to keep one principle always before us. It should be the very smallest demand that we can afford to be content with ; such a scheme as we cannot recede from. To ask and fail to get, and put up with less than our demand, is at all times of convulsion very dangerous, but never more so than when we are dealing with uncivilized men. Therefore our demands should be moderate. It will be said, perhaps, by some, it is best to make no demands, but try first what we can get. “ Ask nothing, lest you should be able to get nothing.” To this we reply, there must be some point of which we are able absolutely to say, if we cannot attain this it is best to abandon the s struggle. It is, moreover, unworthy of us to deal with ignorant men on shifting terms. The hope, in dealing with the Maori, is to fix and publish your terms as distinctly as possible. He may not believe you, but if you do not preach too much, say too much of your benevolent feelings to him, but make real substantial demands, we think he will believe. Probably he feels now, without recognizing it, much as the Queen in Hamlet, listening to the flowery promises of the lady in the play, “ This lady doth protest too much, methihks and there are not wanting bystanders to put in the sarcastic reply—- “ Ah 1 hut she'll keep her -word.” What we demand must be demanded not as heretofore, exclusively for the good of the natives, and on account of the love of Queen Victoria to her Maori children, but because it is necessary for the colony, and at all events, must be so. This is a style of talk more likely to be understood, believed, and respected. We have heard from Governor Grey that he does not think it wise to adhere to Governor Browne’s ultimatum. It is time' now he should let the country know to what he does think right, after twenty

months inquiry and reflection, to adhere. If there was an error in Governor Browne’s demands, it was not because they were explicit, but because they were difficult to enforce. Now we fully appreciate the difficulty of (he present position. What has to be calculated upon is the possible simultaneous rising of natives in all corners of the island. It is not a likely case, but yet quite conceivable. If we are to undertake the subjugation of the race, an approach to this will take place. We do not say that such a policy is not the right one, but it demands, now, a well organised force of fifteen thousand men. Will Great Britain afford this? Probably not. Can the Colony ? We are of the number who think that, if we could be secured against the habit of borrowing, this growing nation would carry easily a vast burden of temporary debt. Every hour diminishes the weight on each man’s shoulders, and increases the public means. To maintain for two years such a force as we have spoken of, supposing it introduced as a body of military settlers, and partly paid and attached by grants of land, would require two millions of money. And to all appearance the credit of the colony is good for such an amount. Without a manly open policy, divested of all over-strained profession, it is vain to dream that the Colony will consent to such a scheme. But, if it were satisfied with the policy, and possessed real and entire control, even such a burden as this might not be greater than it would accept. Whether the subjugation of the Natives is practicable in either one way or the other depends, then, on the Imperial Government more than on either Colony or Governor.

Assuming that the larger, and possibly more humane policy of giving eflective British law to all New Zealand cannot be attempted, there are many steps between that and the present border insecurity. Where are we to stand. Again we urge that limits should be at once defined around the British settlements, within which law will be supported if need be by military foace; that the principle of tribal responsibility for breaches of law by natives living beyond such limits, should be established; that the general menace contained in Mr. Bell’s letter should be reduced to terms, and the nature of the punishment to be inflicted on those who side with the men of the ambuscade should be as exactly defined asu possible. We urge that the claim of sovereignty over the natives should be abandoned in practice, and that they should be given to understand that, except on their own request, no further interference will be attempted in their internal government or no-government, so long as European and native colonists, and their property, are not to be molested. There would be other secondary points to define and insist on, as rights of way and navigation, blockade of ports; but the main features would be definitions of the extent of British territory, of the limits of the enforcement of law, and of tribal responsibility outside those limits, and a disclaimer of all interference in the internal arrangements of the people. It will be contended by Maori advocates that these propositions imply much illegality and much hardship, or it will be said injustice to individuals. To the illegality it can only be replied “ solus populi supremo, lex.” It would be difficult to find a law under which Sir George Grey can seize on the land of Parenga Kingi and his hapu ; yet substantial justice and public safety require it, and the act will be confirmed whenever formal confirmation is required. Revolutionary disorders need revolution to cure them. As to the injustice or hardship of tribal responsibility, we would submit that men cannot live as independent units in this world, they are and ought to be responsible in some degree for the preservation of order around The principle is old, and natural to the earlier days of nations ; and much more cruelty results from utter lawlessness than from such a rule. Human beings are doomed often to make an election of evils. God alone can decree and effect that the wickedness of the wicked shall be upon him, and him only. We are bound in the interest of both races to put a peremptory stop to the sources of disorder, and in doing so we must inflict pain on the innocent, as the surgeon wounds the healthy to remove the diseased flesh. If there are lovers of order among the natives, a welcome into the colony is always provided for them, and taking up the character of colonists they will escape the tribal responsibilities of savages. Only one interpretation can be put on silence by Sir George Grey as to his purposes at this crisis. He must mean the complete subjugation of the whole island. It is well that he should understand that there is no possibility of merely abstaining from a policy,

and waiting longer on events ; to te dark is to be aggressive.

Confiscation op Native Land. —The Otago Witness, in a leading article of the sth, says “ Strange to say, no further information has been received from the Government respecting the occupation of the native land, mentioned in the notification, inviting volunteer settlers. Either the “ determination” to occupy has been abandoned, or the Governwent have been guilty of flagrant neglect. We know that a great number of persons in Otago have been waiting anxiously for this promised information, intending, if it was of a definite and satisfactory character, to volunteer at once. It is not at all improbable that many of these intending volunteers will be disgusted at the delay and abandon their intention. This remissness on the part of the Government is unpardonable, and suggests the impression that they are acting without due consideration of the plans they adopt. Hasty impulsive measures will not do at a time like the present, and if it has been found on further consideration that the plan of occupation of the confiscated land requires alteration, the least that should have been done was to give intimation of that fact.”

Which the Savage and which the European ?—An anecdote is told of a certain deputation of New Zealand settlers, then in London, who waited upon Lord Palmerston, on some matter relating to New Zealand affairs. Amongst the gentlemen forming the deputation were Mr. F—g—ld, of Canterbury, and Mr. N. of this city. Before parting with the deputation, Lord Palmerston, turning to the first named gentleman, made some enquiries concerning the habits and customs of the Maories, asking among other questions, “ How do the natives dress; like savages or like Europeans ?” “ Like you or me,.my Lord” immediately struck in modest Mr. N. amidst a general titter from the deputation, and leaving the question as much unanswered as ever. It was on this occasion, that Mrs. Malaprop is said to have made use of the remark “ comparisons are odorous.”— New Zealander.