GENERAL SUMMARY.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume I, Issue 48, 29 May 1862, Page 3

GENERAL SUMMARY.

(From the Some Sews, March 26.) The successful progress of the Northern troops in the American civil war might justify a hope that the unnatural struggle was nearly at an end, if we were not made aware hy a glance at the map that the victories which have been accomplished exhibit about as near an approach to the subjugation of the South as the inarch of a fly over the edge of a sugar-basin towards the conquest

of its contents. Independently of the vastness of the region, or rather regions, to he traversed, there are the horrors of the climate and the difficulties of a country utterly unlit for the progress of troops, to be overcome. It is certain, however, that at present the Federals have obtained an extraordinary advantage over their opponents. But we must wait a little before we venture to predict results. We must hear what the South is doing, or proposing to do. To all appearances, her banner is drooping, her spirit flagging, and her power fading away ; but who knows what subtle project may be behind, to which all these disasters are only the desperate preliminaries ? Jefferson Davis has been inaugurated President for six years, and in his message he acknowledges the reverses that have belallen the cause, but speaks, nevertheless, with confidence of ultimate success. The Message was vague upon the whole, and threw no light upon the actual condition and prospects of the Secessionists. While the Southern President was addressing his much disconcerted assembly, the Federal troops were advancing upon his strongholds, and achieving further victories. Nashville was speedily occupied ; and Columbus was burnt and abandoned by the Confederates. In other districts the Southern troops are stated to have poisoned the provisions they left behind them, a mode of warfare which will draw down upon them, if it bo true, universal indignation. Immediately after the occurrence of the above disasters, lYesident Davis delivered a second Message to the Southern Congress. The reverses which his forces had sustained at so many different points were too notorious and too grave to be passed over with an affectation of indifference ; and it must be allowed that the humiliating duty of openly acknowledging them was performed with a creditable and manly candour. He frankly admitted that the South had undertaken more than it could accomplish ; that it began without means, and was fighting all throughout against difficulties ; and that the recent misfortunes were heavy and discouraging. But he would not believe, until authentic information of the fact had been received, that a large army at Fort Donnelson had surrendered without making a desperate effort to cut its way through the investing forces. He estimated the present available force at 400 regiments of infantry, with cavalry in proportion, and he confidently relied on the services of a navy quite equal to the protection of the Southern waters. Although looking at the future through the gloom of a series of defeats, it is evident that President Davis is far from relinquishing his hopes of ultimately securing the independence of the South. Congress is not so valiant as the chief magistrate. A resolution to the effect that the South would pledge the last man and the last dollar to prosecute the war, and to maintain the right of self-government, has been referred for consideration to the military committee. What has the military committee got to do with a resolution which is supposed to express the popular feeling, and over wdiich no committee ought to be permitted to exercise a veto ? There was a time when such a resolution would have been received with acclamation in the Assembly which now' relegates it xo a small section of members sitting “ upstairs."’ The Federal army of the Potomac is beginning to move at last. General Banks has crossed to Harper's Ferry and advanced to Bunker’s-hill and Smithtield, on the road to Winchester. A further advance is expected to take place immediately ; but the secresy observed, very properly, in the camp of General M‘Clellan, has baffled all the attempts of even the New York newspaper spies to obtain accurate information. But even if they did obtain intelligence they could not use it. They are restricted to the chronicling of facts which afford no information to the enemy, and, by consequence, very little to their friends. It is evident, how - ever, from the vast preparations, that a grand coup is in contemplation, and that the whole army of the Potomac will shortly be in active service. Turning from the camp to the Senate, the most wonderful move of all is a proposition made to Congress by President Lincoln, the substance of which is a plan for purchasing up the slaves in the border States, with an ultimate view to detach them from the secession States, and so weaken the latter, and bring the war to a speedier conclusion. This proposition has been referred to a committee, and has been received favorably by the Northerns in general, but rather as the first symptom of the necessity, now 7 growing imperative, of finding out some means of accommodation between North and South, than

as a project ever likely to be carried into effect. The materials for judging of the probable effects of this strange suggestion are not yet collected. Public opinion has not yet pronounced upon it. But, except in so far as it evinces a disposition to treat on some ground, we are far from thinking it calculated to facilitate peace, or to restore the Union. The experiment of free speech in Parliament is beginning to produce its natural consequences in France. There cannot be freedom without discussion; discussion without differences of opinion ; or differences of opinion without a tendency to diminish undue influences, and equalise the powers of the State. The spectacle presented recently by the attitude of the Corps Legislatif has attracted universal speculation, not unaccompanied by apprehensions about what is to come. General Montauban is an old companion ami devoted friend of Louis Napoleon. He was with him in his foolish Strasburg expedition, and in the worst of times never deserted him. General Montauban commanded the army in China, and the Emperor,, desirous of conferring some mark of distinction upon his friend, recommended a bill to the Legislature bestowing upon him a handsome pension and a title of nobility. The Legislature discussed the bill with acrimony, and referred it to a committee. Montauban, alarmed at these proceedings, begged of the Emperor to withdraw it. But tire Emperorrefused to abandon Iris position, and wrote a letter, obviously intended for publication, irr which he administered a severe rebuke to tire Assembly for their want of generosity and patriotism. The Committee, however, nothing daunted, unanimously recommended to the Chamber the absolute rejection of the hill. Now came the tug of war. Which was to yield ? The Emperor was too sagacious not to see his danger, and very wisely withdrew the bill, arrd his letter announcing this determination, having the usual Napoleonic glitter in it, was received witlr tremendous shouts of “ Yive lEmperem-A The crisis which threatened at one moment a collision between the Chamber and the Sovereign, was thus happily averted. But the question out of which it arose is not yet quite set at rest, ihe Emperor has since substituted another hill for that Avhich he prudently withdrew. In this bill he proposes that a sum (not yet fixed, but which will, probably, be about ooU,ooof.j. shall be annually set apart to reward by pensions or donations distinguished, or exceptional, services in time of war, the distribution and conditions of such pensions, or donations, to he determined by Imperial decree. This project however has met with great opposition in the Council of State, and it is reported that it has been quietly dropped. After a debate, protracted beyond precedent, the Address has been voted by 244 against 9 votes; and the Emperor has expressed himself much gratified, as he ought to be, at the result. While these discussions were going forward in the Corps Legislatif some serious disturbances were taking place out of doors in Paris. It appears that great excitement prevails amongst the students, that many arrests have already been made, and that they have been warned by the authorities not to take part at their peril in any public manifestations. Government is stated to be in posession of information which places the existence of dangerous political intrigues beyond doubt; but what those intrigues are, or who are the movers in them, nobody seems to know. An ominus ministerial and kingly dilemma has occured in Prussia. Ministers having been defeated in the Chamber by a majority of 28 votes, on a question relating to the budget, tendered their resignation, which the King refused to accept, and dissolved the Chamber. Explanations have since taken place on both sides, which make the grounds of ditierence very obvious. A constitutional struggle has already begun between the King and the representatives of the people upon the old question of divine right. The King demands powers which the Chamber are not inclined to concede, and his Majesty has appealed to the people. The answer of the people, it is believed, will place Iris Majesty in a still smaller minority. Pending the result, the old ministry has been seriously damaged by the secession of the few liberal members it contained; and the King is said to have entered into terms with Austria to enable him, in case of necessity, to make head against his refractory subjects.