THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume I, Issue 25, 19 December 1861, Page 5 (Supplement)

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

From the Home News, Sep. 26. At the date of our last publication news had been received in England that the battle of Bull’s Hun had been closely followed by another defeat of the Federal troops at Springfield, in Missouri. Subsequent information showed that this second affair was of little or no importance, and was, in fact, hardly more than a drawn battle. Equally doubtful skirmishes have since frequently been reported from Missouri, but the great operations of the campaign lie in a different direction. The main body of the two hostilea armies still stand face to face along the line of the Potomac. General M Clellan, whose appointment as Federal commander in that region wementionedin our last, has effected, it is said, considerably improvement in the discipline and organisatiou of the Northern troops ; but ho has not yet attempted a single offensive movement. It appears that he scarcely feels himself as yet sufficiently strong to hazard a repetition of that advance southwards which the north formerly clamoured for so eagerly, and which resulted in the disaster of Bull’s Run. With regard to the Secessionists, little is known for certain—either as to their plans or as to their condition. Wo might conjecture that their condition is not greatly superior to that of their adversaries, were it not constantly reported that they are ready for an attack upon the Northerners and upon Washington. _ Beauregard, the Southern leader, had actually, it is affirmed, commenced a movement across the Potomac at the end of August for the purpose of cutting off the Federalists at Harper’s Ferry from those at Washington ; but General M’Clellan baffled the manosuvre by ordering the position at Harper a Ferry to be abandoned. As affairs stand, therefore, on the Potomac, it appears that an engagement on a large scale may take place at any moment, though the Federal general shows no desire to force it. But President Lincoln has by no means been inactive. He recently fitted out a naval expedition with much secrecy and dispatch, with the view of acting against those portions of the coast of the Southern States which harbour and protect the privateers. This expedition -was directed in the first instance against the forts at Cape Hatteras ; and it achieved a success which has raised the spirits of the Northerners not a little. The garrisons of the forts surrendered as prisoners of war, and the forts and munitions of war which they contained aro now in the posscssiom of the Federalists. But a more important, and also a more perilous expedition, is being fitted out in Missiouri. Its object will be to decend the Mississippi towards New Orleans, thus carrying the war into the heart of his enemy’s country and dividing their territory into two parts. It is clear that this is an enterprise th© results of which, whether it fail or succeed s will he of the utmost consequence. This Mississippi expedition is to be intrusted to General Fremont, the commander of the Union forces in Missouri; and if he does not reverse the policy which he has recently adopted in that State he must either be checked by the Secesionists on his first advance, or he will almost inevitably provoke a servile war. Not only has general Fremont proclaimed martial law throughout Missouri, but he has promised freedom to the slaves of all Secessionists in the district under his command. This is going much further than any one has hitherto ventured to go. The most that Congress did was to order the confiscation of slaves who had been employed against the Federal army. There is no doubt, therefore, that General Fremont’s proclamation has introduced into the war a new element, which may easily cause a terrific explosion at the South. Nevertheless, the South rejoices because it holds that the proclamation will confirm “ all the wavhrers in Kentucky,” that is, confirm them to the side of Secession ; and because this stretch of power, and step towards an abolition policy, gives a new weapon to the Northern Democrats who, while they demand the vigorous prosecution of the war and swear to preserve the Union, pur pose to do so by upsetting the Washington government, and making peace by the offer of “ gaurantees to the south. Disunion in the north, where the South has still many partisans, had made great progress before General Fremont issued his portentous proclamation. That disunion is nowgreater than ever, and Fremont’s proclamation will only tend to increase it. Moreover, there is not unity in the cabinet itself. There is the old conflict between the violent and the moderate men. Pending the issue of the quarrel, President Lincoln holds the balance with what ability he may; there is no Congress to control him, and, excepting in the case of some new disaster he will probably carry out his view’s until December. Nor is it only in the North that the decree of Fremont is likely to call forth fierce passions. Kentucky is a border State. Within its boundaries are numerous Secessionists; numerous Union men. The bulk of the people desire to preserve neutrality. But how will the people of Kentucky take the abolition policy of the north- general ? The probability is that, unable to maintain neutrality, Kentucky will be compelled to cast her lot frankly with North or South, and the supporters of the latter joyfully anticipate that this poweful State will fly to them. The secession of Kentucky, or even its severance into two parts, would be the heaviest blow to the Union since the route at Bull's Run.