EUROPEAN NEWS.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume I, Issue 18, 31 October 1861, Page 5 (Supplement)

EUROPEAN NEWS.

GENERAL SUMMARY,

(From the Some News, August 26.) The political Tane points to America. Whatever interests may hitherto have been created by the movements of Italy, the calamities of Poland, the struggles of Hungary, or the designs of France, pales its ineffectual fire before the glare of recent events in America. Our last number had hardly been despatched, when intelligence reached us that a great battle has been fought on the bank of a stream called the Bull’s Bun, close to Manassas Point, where the Confederate troops had collected their strength, and that in this first actual encounter with the Secessionists, the Northern army, gathered at vast cost from a multitude of sources, and urged on to the conflict with a frantic impetuosity natural to a people who consider themselves invulnerable and invincible, was ignoOtniniously beaten, and driven back in a panic to Washington, covering the road on this disgraceful flight with arms, equipments, and every vestige of encumbrance that interfered with their

speed in running away from the enemy. For the • details of this remarkable engagement we must refer to our subsequent columns. It will be enough to state here that the Confederates were in person by the Secessionist President, Jefferson Davis, who took the command of the centre, and by Beauregard and Lee, reinforced by a large body of troops under General Johnston, who had skilfully managed to make his way from Harper’s Ferry, which he sagaciously abandoned, through the ridges of the Blue Mountains to the spot where Beauregard was awaiting the approach of the Federalists. The plan of the Southern General appears to have been laid with a perfect knowledge of the country, and consummate military skill. His position was strongly entrenched, and he had everywhere the advantage of the ground. Lender such conditions he quietly suffered the Federal army to advance and open the attack. Credit is undoubtedly due to the Northerns for the courage and constancy displayed under fire for nine hours, at the end of which time they succeeded in capturing three batteries. From that moment, however, all further prospect of victory ceased. It seemed almost as if the conquest of the batteries had only drawn them into meshes which had been prepared for them, General Beauregard, who had just been reinforced by General Johnston, turning the tide of the battle just ns the Unionists were in the flush' of success. We shall, probably, never have an accurate and trustworthy account of the circumstances under which the Federalists were driven out of the batteries, and hunted back upon their track like craven curs. But, as far as present information enables us to judge, a panic took place amongst those who were on the advance, some say the teamsters which is positively contradicted by others and some the troops ; how the panic arose does not appear and we are left to infer that it was occasioned by a report of the coming up of Johnston ; be that as it may, the fight was sudden, wild, and in the last degree disorderly, presenting the most extraordinary spectacle of terror that has ever been witnessed on a field of battle. The 4 .volunteers who had joined for only three months, had the audacity to say that their time was up in the very thick of the fight, and that they were returning to their homes ! but, whatever excuses or pretences might be alleged it was impossible to conceal the superstitious fear which had seized upon that gallant army. In vain poor General Si‘Dowell endeavoured to rally them at Centreville and at hairfax Court House—no they fled in confusion over road and field, each man seeking his own safety as best he could, pursued by the victorious Southerners as far as Fairfax, within so short a distance of the Capital, that, but for the hazard of trusting a great enterprise to troops in the heat of such a conflict, General Beauregard might have easily carried his troops to the walls of \V ashington. W e take it for granted that he acted wisely in forbearing. Washington is strongly fortified ; and it would, moreover, have been a difficult matter to gather up in haste an army, exhausted by fatigue, and widely scattered over the tract of the country they had just traversed. But there is some reason to believe that could General Beauregard have followed up his triumph on the instant, Washington must have fallen into his hands. He is acting, however, with a prudence which fairly represents a defensive policy. His refusal to permit General M'Dowell to send a party into his lines to bury the dead, is consistent with the strategy of a commander whose mam purpose is to preserve his position. The effect of the news of this signal defeat upon the press and the Congress is characteristic of a people who, like their kinsmen here in England, don t know when they are beaten, or, to use the national phrase, “whipped.” It could not be denied that they were “ whipped,” but then the whipping was exaggerated, the loss was comparatively slight, and the whole Union would turn out to avenge it. No less than 80,000 were added to the army at once, vigorous preparations were set on foot for renewing hostilities, and a patriocry for vengeance rose up on all sides. A bill SpStfas passed in the Senate authorising the confiscation of the property of rebels, which, by an amendment engrafted upon it, is made to include slaves. War, therefore, is now declared in its most savage and unrelenting form ; nor are there ■ wanting suggestions to the effect that a law of universal emancipation should be declared by Congress. The battle of Bull’s Run has produced some angry contentions in Congress.; but the most important issue to which it has led is a statement, which nobody has ventured to contradict that it was fought contrary to the judgment of General Scott. “ Dismiss me from your Councils,” exclaimed Scott to the President, “ for I am a coward, in yielding against my convictions to the impetuous advisers by whom we are surrounded.” We shall soon see whether General Scott will bcablo to overcome the influence of the fanatical civilians who have incurred the grave responsibility of overruling his opinions in military matters. The Confederates are fortifying their position at Fairfax, Federalists are straining all resources to raise men and money. Trade is meanwhile suffering severely.

Such is the state of things on land in America. At sea much more serious alarms have been raised. The Federal government may commit any amount of indiscretions, or plunge itself into any abysses of blunders, it pleases with perfect impunity, so long as it does not interfere with the rights and security of the subjects of other Powers. Unfortunately it is not content with mismanaging its domestic concerns, but is fairly running amuck against the whole of the outside world, and with incredible fatuity openly violating the commonest principles of international law. First we hear that it is reported by Admiral Milne, from Fort Pickens, that the blockade by the Northern States is insufficient, and is, therefore, no blockade at all. But let that pass. We may not care to put it to the test at present. Next wo find that President Lincoln, apparently because his blockade is insufficient, stationed slrps out at sea, far beyond any conceivable territorial authority of the States, for the purpose of levying duty on vessels going into the blockaded ports. Now this proceeding involves a variety of obvious considerations, which demand explanation, and which, if not immediately set at rest, must inevitably end in a declaration of war somewhere. In the first place, the levying duties supersedes the blockade. In the second place, the levying duties implies a guarantee which it is not in the power of the authority levying such duties in this case to authenticate or enforce. In the third place, the establishment of floating Custom-house in the open water-path of all nations is a clear act of piracy without reference to the other circumstances which render the offence much more serious. It was not without a clear understanding of the bearings of this strange episode in the civil war, and of the answer which' the Minister was prepared to give that a question was put to Lord Palmerston a few nights ago on the subject. The reply of the Minister was short, explicit, and decisive. We can add nothing to its gravity, except the expression of our confident reliance upon the firmness and promptitude of an administration, which has already displayed the highest prudence in the conduct of our foreign relations. America must, of course, recall her marine Custom-houses, and make ample atonement for any obstruction if any she has thrown in the way of our commerce, or there is only one alternative left between her and England an alternative which is not of our seeking.

European news is almost at a stand still. A stupendous design for the invasion of Naples and Sicily by the partizans of Francis 11. is stated to have been lately detected. How the knowledge of it reached Cialdini does not appear; but the Italian general is represented to have been quite prepared for the expected descent upon the Neapolitan provinces, which was to have taken place on the 7th or Bth of August, but which did not take place, and is, probably, postponed sine die, if, indeed, such design, ever existed. That there is a strong feeling somewhere in favour of the Bourbon dynasty is true ; strange and incredible as it may seen ; and even the veteran patriot D’Azeglio objects to the means that are being taken for forcing the Piedmontese Government upon the Neapolitans. It is not, however, so much that the people love the Bourbon, as that they dislike Turin. If the capital were fixed at Borne, all difficulties would be at an end. The steps that are in progress towards that result are still slow, but are still pressing onwards. A Belgian journal, usually well informed, assures us that, upon an urgent remonstrance from Cialdini, the French government have consented to permit the Italian troops to pursue the brigands beyond the present limits of the Italian kingdom. If this be true —but it is too good to be true ! —the final issue of all Italian perplexities cannot be far off. Within the walls of Rome the utmost confusion prevails. The Pontifical guards and the Frcnch soldiers are perpetually quarreling, and the Pope shows his scorn of the Emperor by retaining Ills insolent war minister in office. There is some talk of the Queen of Spain coming in some way that is not mentioned to the help of the Pontiff, and Dowager Christina is on her road to pay him a visit. But these ceremonial make-beliefs of sympathy and protection will avail him nothing against the current of universal of)inion. Prussia is about to recognise the now kingdom of Italy, and her example must be followed at last even by Austria and Russia ; and what then becomes of the refractory corner wliich attempts' to stop the inevitable course of events ?

The reply of the Hungarian Diet as drawn up by M. Deak, has been unanimously adopted by both Houses and transmitted to Vienna. It reiterates the claim of the country and rejects the demands of the Emperor. Austria has not onlytaken nothing by her motion, but has united all parties in a common bond of resistance. Those who were moderate before have now embraced the views of the more advanced patriots ; and Hungary through M. Deak, speaks with the voice of one man. In answer to the reply of the Diet, an Imperial Rescript has dissolved the Chambers. Before they separated they agreed to a solemn protest against the proceedings of the Austrian government which they described as arbitrary, illegal and unconstitutional. The next step will be the collection of taxes at the point of the bayonet, then tacit resistance, finally civil war. The folly of the Emperor, in persevering with a tyrannical policy with the recent fall of the Italian princes before his eyes, is a remarkable example of political fatuity.

It is an obvious convenience to crowned heads that the holiday season should take place pretty much about the same time all over Europe. It enables monarchs to go about visiting and touring like the rest of the world, and to become personally acquainted with each other, without necessarily involving any political responsibility. The outside public are apt to attach special significance to these movements: but the outside public is wrong. Ei.igs and Queens and Royal Dukes arc not always doing State, and talking intrigues. They must have relaxation in common with the humblest of their subjects, and it is the greatest of all possible^mistakes to suppose that they are always sitting in great chairs, under heavy canopies, smothered up in ermine, with crowns on their beads. No such thing. On the contrary, they

have generally less actual political business on hand than their ministers, who really do the work for which sovereigns get the credit, or the odium, ns it may be. When an original thinker, a man of bold ambition and restless energy, happens to occupy a throne the case is different; but these are exceptions. Genius is rare everywhere, and not less rare in palaces than in other houses. We arc not prepared to contend that when the Emperor of the French goes to the camp at Chalons, or even when he indulges in a little apparent idleness at \ ichy, he is not thinking of something else and, perhaps, putting remote projects into train of execution. Let him be where he may, or seem to be ever so much holiday making, we have no, doubt that he never stops building, not chateaux in Spain but iron ships in many dockyards, and that he never takes his eye off Sardinia, or ceases to map out a new frontier from Cologne to the sea. But his majesty is not a fair sample of monarchs in general, lie stands alone. Hepose is not natural to him ; and we cannot measure other princes by a standard so peculiar and eccentric. We will answer lor it that when Queen Victoria was cruising about the Isle of Wight lately', one day to meet the King of Sweden half seas over, and another to meet the Prince Consort on his return from an excursion, her Majesty no more troubled her head about diplomatic problems than any of the jovial crew that enjoy Ted the satisfaction on those occasions of observing what an excellent sailor was at the helm of affairs in this happy country ; and we are sure that her tour in Ireland will be equally exempt from the cares of State. Ivor do we associate any political objects with the hasty visit of the King of Sweden, the grandson of Bemadotte, to the court at Osborne, or even to the Tuileries, where he had been entertained before he came to England. His Majesty lias been going about “pleasuring,” seeing what he could see in Paris and London, running down to have a peep at the pictures and State apartments at Windsor, then flying off to the Crystal Palace, and winding up his night at the Adelphi Iheatre. Assuredly, all this is very wise ; and the grandson of Bemadotte will go back to his rigorous climate with a multitude of new ideas imprinted on his mind. We only hope that he has caught up some useful hints for the improvement of his domestic system, and that his brief experience in England will produce good fruit at home.

In the midst of the careering to and fro of potentates and their attendant stars, it is pleasant to gather some crumbs of comfort for the people at large. Thus we learn from the lips of Louis Napoleon himself, that since the commercial treaty between England and France has come into operation, Paris alone has doubled her exports ; and by another channel, no less trustworthy, intelligence reaches us to the effect that a similar treaty of commerce is about to be entered into between Eng land and Prussia. If the prosperous results of these peaceful leagues be permitted to spread and augment, without interruption, we may hope in good time to realise Ariel’s feat by a real girdle of material interests.