GENERAL SUMMARY.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume I, Issue 10, 5 September 1861, Page 5 (Supplement)

GENERAL SUMMARY.

(From the Home News June 26.) : Lord Palmerston’s Government has, at last, outridden the storm against which they have been endeavoring to carry the repeal of the Paper Duty. All other modes of attack having failed, the Opposition ventured a direct amendment upon the clause for abolishing the duty in the Customs and Excise Bill, and evidently anticipated that they should turn their imposing minority into a small majority. Had they even succeeded, the Administration would not have been affected by the result, Lord Palmerston having resolved in that case to appeal to the country. But they did not succeed, although they appear to have left so stratagems untried to secure their object. The most formidable and least creditable of the devices resorted to in the hope of defeating the Government was the attempt to make political capital out of the Galway contract. The history of this transaction, as far as we need

recur to it here, may be briefly dismissed. The subsidy was granted by the Derby Government, with the object, it was, and is, believed, of securing the votes of certain Irish members in the House of Commons. The subject was afterwards taken up in Parliament, in common with other contracts and a strong feeling prevailed that the whole affair was a job. In the meanwhile the company that had obtained the subsidy were permitted to proceed under the conditions of the contract, but they failed so egregiously, and so often, and placed their inability to perform their undertaking so completely beyond all doubt or discussion, that the Postmaster-General, in the discharge of his public duty, cancelled the contract. Of course, there was a great outcry in Ireland. Deputations were got up to Lord Carlisle ; and Father Daly a Galway priest, endowed with remarkable powers of humour, was invoked from his western retreat to take a journey to London, in the hope of being able to reverse the decision of Government.

The presence of Father Daly in London, and the whisper of his having paid a visit to the Premier, produced a rumor which rapidly spread through the clubs, and tool, shape in a leading article in the “Times” on the morning of the debate when the division was to take place. The rumor WES suSicientlj explicit. f i.'o maks sure of* the hesitating votes of the Irish members, Lord Palmerston had agreed to renew the subsidy to the Galway company for six months longer ; the meaning of which w r as, as clearly put by the “Times” “ that £'3f!,ooo was to be paid to a private company in order that a measure of Imperial policy might be carried through Parliament.” That an act of such naked abuse could be perpetuated by a Reform,Administration, or indeed by any English Administration, in this age of the world, was a thing not to be credited, and therefore everybody : -"’as glad to find that the whole statement was a I canard, issuing, probably, from the camp of the 1 Philistines. Ministers contradicted it unequivocally in their places in Parliament, just in time to : turn the tide that was setting in upon the indigi nant Irish interest. The majority of 15 in a House of 577 members was small enough, and shows how really indifferent the country is to the question at issue ; but it was sufficient to save the measure and the Government. The bill has subsequently passed through the House of Lords, and received the Royal Assent; and next October the paper duty will be extinct.

The Session has been marked by a still more remarkable incident. Sir John Trelawneys bill for the abolition of church-rates was discussed in a full House, and when the division was taken it appeared that the votes were equal—274 for, and 274 against. Remembering how largo and apparently hopeless a majority the measure has had to work its way against to this result within a very recent period, this vote may be considered as indicating ano less rapid and decisive movement in public opinion. The Speaker felt the heavy rcsponsibily thrown upon him by the unexpected perplexity, and prudently gave his casting vote against the bill, in order to leave open a more satisfactory opportunity for affirming the views of the Commons. The abolition of Church-rates may now be considered a mere question of time. Although Lord Palmerston’s Government has considered it imperative upon them to cancel the Galway contract, in consequence of the failure of the company in their undertaking, they arc strongly in favour of establishing a postal communication between Ireland and America, nor have they offered any opposition to a motion by Mr. Gregory for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the circumstances under which the contract was .cancelled.

Three very important bills hare been introduced into the House of Commons by Sir Charles Wood. The first of these bills relates to proposed modifications in the Executive in 1 ndia, and alterations in the machinery of legislation. Several objects of the last importance to the peace and and ■well-being of India are contemplated in this comprehensive measure—uniformity of legislation, local legislation, and tho free introduction of the native element into the Councils. The second bill proposes the establishment of « High Court of Judicature in India. This is just such a measure as might be expected to emanate from a Law Amendment Society, supposing there were such an institution in India. It provides for the consolidation, or fusion, of the Supreme Court, which possesses complete jurisdiction over the three Presidencies, and the Sudder Court, which is a Court of Appeal for all the courts in the country. There will bo one Supremo Court, one solo Court of Appeal, instead of two ; and, furthermore, the advantages of the improvement will bo diffused over the whole surface of India by the new powers the bill proposes to confer on the Governor-Gene-ral, of sending the judges of the Supreme Court on circuit throughout the country. Tho third bill relates chiefly to the uncovenanted branch of the Civil Service, and has supplied materials for much difference of opinion. By this hill it is proposed to confirm and legalise certain appointments which had been made in India contrary to law, and so to amend the law concerning the Civil Service, as to admit of such appointments hereafter, restrained within certain exceptions. The purpose of the bill is to legalise appointments already made, and to facilitate the admission of the uncovenauted service to certain offices hereafter, under special restrictions and precautions. A deputation of members of the Civil Service in England have waited upon Sir Charles Wood to express their objections to this bill, which will probably be modified on its passage through Parliament. The session is rapidly coming to a close. It will hardly outlive the month of July, and London will go out of town this year rather earlier than usual. Tills is scarcely to he regretted, fer the season has not been propitious for (rade or pleasure. The death of the Duchess of Ivent threw a gloom over the Court that communicated to the fashionable world, and interrupted the ordinary flow of intercourse and expenditure. Within the last few weeks there has been a sudden crush of dinners and assemblies, in the vain hope of making up for iosu uniC:; hut the recent Drawing-room, at which every person except brides and debutantes were required to appear in mourning, has once more checked tho current of society, and it is now too late to attempt to set it in motion again.

The American internecine contlict thickens in difficulties, Both parties are in movement, and, as far as actual measures accomplished can be taken as a test of superiority, the Northerns have the best of it. Tbo Southern arm)', such as it is, appears to be chiefly raised by conscription, and to present all the elements of disorder consequent upon such a state of things in such a country, aggravated by lamentable deficiency of materiel. In the North, the volunteer force is not much better off, the commissariat being badly served, and the men left to forage for themselves in many districts. But upon the whole there is more discipline and unity in the North; and, as yet, considerable advantage in position. Another incidental circumstance—an element in the war winch neither party at first seems to have calculated upon—is gradually bringing strength to the Union, and weakening the Secessionists in proportion. The slaves see clearly the path to liberty which this war is opening to them, and they are not slow to lake advantage of it. Hundreds of negro fugitives are making their escape, and taking refuge under the Federal banner. At first the government was a little embarrassed by this accession to their ranks. Enfrancliisement is a measure for which public opinion, even in the North, is not yet quite prepared ; but, oh the other hand, the restoration of the fugitives was not to be thought of. In this dilemma, what was to be done ? A middle course has been happily struck out, by which the horrors of a servile war are likely to he avoided, and the flight of the slaves, at the same time, encouraged and turned to account. All slaves thus coming to the Federal camp are declared contraband of war, and retained for service during the campaign. They arc to ieceivc pay at the end of the struggle, when their final destination will be determined, the government sagaciously keeping open the question until they see how the conflict will terminate.

'-the tone taken by America with respect to England betrays a bad temper and a narrow policy. Because we do not recognise the Secessionists,;as pirates, confining our opinion and our action-' to a strict neutrality, as becomes a free country guided by the doctrine of non-interference, the Federal government, and, to do them justice the bulk of the newspapers of the North, have denounced us in terms of undisguised hostility. A little time for reflection will, doubtless, bring about a more reasonable view of the case ; but in the meanwhile it is not easy to provide against the possible effect of the rash intemperance and hasty menaces of the Americans. Rumours are already afloat of contemplated hostilities, which we fiud it very difficult to credit, and which we ascribe altogether to that fierce humour of exaggeration in which Cousin Jonathan is wont to indulge in moments of anger. Certain it is, however, that we are sending out 3000 men to Canada, with a corresponding amount of artillery and munitions of war. Nobody knows for what purpose this force is intended. Canada is said to be so inadequately garrisoned, that there are scarcely sentries enough to he found for her actual ceremonial wants. But that is not a satisfactory reason for transporting a large force to the colony at this moment. Canada ought surely by this time to be able to garrison herself. The apprehension of an invasion from the United States can hardly be seriously entertained at a time when the utmost that can be accomplished by cither of the combatants is notoriously insulficiont for the occupation they have got at homo. Why then are these troops sent out to Canada at a heavy expense for which there is no apparent equivalent P The ‘Times’justly observes that it is an ill-considered policy which detaches the force of the nation to do for our possessions what they ought to do for themselves, and to comprom sc us by their presence at critical moments in events from which wc should keep aloof.

'iho last arrivals from America, bringing down (be intelligence to the 15th June from New York, is a mingled yarn ; but shows that upon the whole the advantage still continues on the side of the North. Ihe Secoestionists have evacuated Harper's Ferry, and abandoned the whole line of the i'otomac, with a view to concentrate their strength at the important point of Manassas Junction. The Federal troops may be presumed to bo nowin possession of Harper’s Ferry, upon which they advanced by three different routes. lu other directions they have not been quite so fortunate. A large body of Federal troops, estimated at 3000 strong, that marched from Fort Monroe for the purpose of dislodging the Confederates from a position they had taken up some nine miles distant, committed the serious blunder of firing upon each other in the dark, under the mutual mistake that they had fallen in with the enemy. This, however, was the least of the disasters, for in the broad daylight on the following morning they were repulsed by a masked battery of rilled cannon, which poured so heavy a fire upon them that the Federal general is said to have lost his presence of mind, for which, should lie be brought to a court-martial, he is not unlikely to lose his head ; “no great things of a head, to be sure,” as the old Scotchwoman said of the laird who had been decapitated in the ’ls, <- hut a sair loss to him.” In Missouri matters are coming to a crisis, and the Federal cause is looking up, but it is through a thick- mist of doubts and difficulties. The governor has made a demand upon the State for 50,000 men to enable him to resist the Federal army, and being too weak to hold Jefferson city he has retired from it and burned the railway bridges on bis flight. But he is hotly pursued by General Lyon, who commands a large body of troops. It will bo seen from the distant points over which the Federal army is scattered that the [Northern government has more than enough of work on hand to employ all the resources it can bring to bear upon the contest. Yet the [Now York Journals in the face ol these difficulties, do not hesitate to threaten England with a declaration of war!

Even in the most distant colonies, the announcement of the death of Count Cavour -will he felt as no ordinary calamity It is impossible to foresee the consequences ot this melancholy event. If the Italians eaa safely tide qvot the immediate affects of the gw*fc loss they have sustained by the death of the wisest of their patriots, and the most illustrious of modern statesmen, they may make out their final destiny, without much delay or injury to their prestige; but the clanger lies in the

next few months. The revolutionary, or, perhans, we should call them the republican, party will,*in all liklihood, seize the opportunity to reopen the old agitation, and a single step in the wrong direction may again plunge the country into chaos. The King has called the best man in his dominions to the head of the ministry —Baron Ricasoli. Italy has confidence in his judgment, and above all, in his attachment to Cavour, whoso policy he promises to follow. The people, too, have been tried iu the school of adversity, and will know how to act at a time when a greater demand than ever is made on their fortitude, their love ot country, and their self-abnega-tion. e hope for the best; and have so implicit a trust in the paramount influence of truth and justice that wo will not admit an apprehension of a reverse in the onward progress of regenerated Italy.

trance has taken the first step towards that issue, which, one way or the other, is not now far distant. The Emperor has recognized the new kingdom. It is said tnat he insisted upon certain conditions, which were objected to by the Italian government; that his representative at Turin had to work the telegraph, frequently before ho was able to bring his negotiations to a close ; but that finally' the portentous business was completed. Wo shall soon, probably, learn upon what terms the compromise was effected.

And what of Rome all this time? Rome, the pivot upon which the destinies of Italy and’ the peace of Europe are turning ? The Emperor appears resoived, according to his own crooked method of procedure, to starve out the temporalities, but to do nothing direct towards that end. Spain and Austria have proposed to co-operate with France for the maintenance of the States of the Church; but the Emperor has rejected the proposition. His policy seems to be to let Rome go out by sheer exhaustion, like the wick of a dying candle ; and the flicker is near at hand. The Rope is reported to be in an alarming state, and the cardinals in the Austrian interest are already preparing for flight, and for the election of a successor at Verona. One might easily predict a multitude of complications lilcely to arise out of such an imbroglio ; but speculations in this ago aro the vainest of all exercises of political ingenuity.