CAN WE BE NEUTRALS?
How to maintain neutrality and keep from being dbawn into war is just now greatly exercising the minds of United States citizens and legislators, A question of much more intimate interest to us here is raised by a London message received a day or two back. The suggestion was that at the Imperial Conference to be held after the Coronation Imperial defence would be one of the leading subjects to be discussed. That, in turn> would almost necessarily mean discussing also the possibility of any of the self-governing dominions declaring for neutrality shouild the Mother Country become involved in war. It was then said that the right of the dominions to decide this point for themselves was fuliy recognised. However this bald statement is to some extent queried by a^ademic jurists. They cantend that, under existing relationships between Great Britaln and her dominions, a declaration of war by tbe British Government would automatically bring in the dominions also. Thus the only way by which the dominions could gain the shelter of neutrality would be by cutting adrift altogether from the associatio'n and» declaring for independence. In fact, it is argued that a mere declaration of neutrality on the part of any dominion would amount to a virtual secession from the British Commonwealth of Nations, a recourse which, with one possible exception, none would be likely even to consider, Leaving these fine legal points to be debated by conatitutional lawyers, the practicad issue is? of course, as to how far the enemy would pay any respect to neutrality declared by a dominion still desirous of retaining its imperial membership. There must be few who can think that the slightest regard would be given to it. It is the dominions that present the most vulnerable points for hostile attack, and it is not at all likely that an enemy would, upon a mere quibble of international law, forgo the advantage thus offered. It may thus be taken that for the. dominions that desire to remain under the British flag there can be no question as to their being at war with any nation that may be at war with the Old Country. The onjly real question is as to what they mean to do to assist in making effective the measures that are being taken by Great Britain as mnch for their protection as for her own. It is this point and this point alone that just now is worth while considering, and it is on this point that our own Government fails to give us any enlightenment worth having. We are, of conrse, all hoping — and, now that Great Britain is rearming) not without reasonable grounds — that war. will be . averted. But of its possibility we cannot but take cognisance in the face of the haste with which Great Britain is making her preparations. It may be comfortably suggested that all this is merely a way df calling the Hitler-Mussolini bluff, but that would obviously be a most unsafe assumption to make. Still we have our Frime Minister leaving next month to take part in this portentdus conference without so far having given us the slightest injding as to the attitude on the question of our selfdefence he proposes to adopt. Even should it be a matter of bluff it is manifestly our duty to make it as impressive as possible, and Germany, at any rate, would not be slow to recognise the value of cordial support for Britain from her oversea dominions, Thns the sooner public assurance of this is given the better the chance of the avoidance of war.
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Hawke's Bay Herald-Tribune, Issue 36, 26 February 1937, Page 4
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604CAN WE BE NEUTRALS? Hawke's Bay Herald-Tribune, Issue 36, 26 February 1937, Page 4
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