THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, JUNE 2, 1882. DENOMINATIONAL EDUCATION.

Globe, Volume XXIV, Issue 2543, 2 June 1882, Page 2

THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, JUNE 2, 1882. DENOMINATIONAL EDUCATION.

The debate that took place last night on the subject of education was not altogether a waste of time, although to those who have studied the signs of the times it is pretty evident that the country is not prepared to alter the existing system. The debate brought out strongly the points for and against the change, and, inasmuch as the arguments used for the continuance of unsectarian education were infinitely stronger than those adduced against it, the undenominationalists have reason to be satisfied. Mr, Pyke, the introducer of the Education Act Amendment Bib, based his reasons in its favour on the fact that the Catholics were unable to taka advantage of the present State Schools, and he proceeded to use the extraordinary argument that the consequence of educating all children nnder a particular standard was calculated to thwart that diversity of character upon which so much o£ the greatness of our nation depended. What Mr. Pyka may mean exactly by this sentiment it would probably puzzle him to explain. The English is certainly a composite nation, and it gains immeasurably by that fact. Philosophers tell ns that the virtues and the vices of the Celt, Teuton and Roman, are all to be found in the English character. The Celt was impressionable, poetic, and swift to act: on the other hand he was easily discouraged, and wanted fixity of purpose. The Teuton was philosophic, industrious, had the strongest love for liberty, and a reverence for women and family ties. On the other hand he was slow in action. The Latin brought into the common stock a wonderful talent for organisation and the firmness of will that had conquered the world. His vices lay in the direction of a haughty disregard for the feelings of others and a tendency towards licentiousness. All these qualities, good and had, were found in the three races which formed the English nation, and hence a universality of character which, combined with local influences, has enabled it to found the greatest Empire that the world has ever seen. But this universality, we can assure Mr. Pyke, is in no danger of being deranged by a the present scheme of education. If the argument of the member for the Dunstan i means anything it means that we owe the peculiar nature of our national character to religious influences, whereas religion has in reality played a smaller part in our political history than it has in the history of almost every other great nation. Religion has done much towards shaping the national character of the Spaniard. ' It was one of the main causes of the thirty years war, from which historians tell ns that Germany has even yet hardly recovered. It played a conspicuous part in the decadence of the power of Franco in the latter days of Louis XIV., hut it cannot fairly be said to have had at anytime a preponderating influence over the course of events in England. The Reformation was not at first a national movement, hut was brought about by tho caprice of a king; had Charles the First been more reliable and less despotic, in all human probability the straggle between the Puritans tand the Cavaliers would never have eventuated. If Mr. Pyke thicks that the present system has failed because there is observable a growing tendency in the national character to lose its valuable and diverse qualities, we feel confident that all sensiblemen will disagree with him. As for his other argument, that it is against all principles of toleration to ask the minority to contribute to the educational system in operation, no matter how strong their conscientious objections may be, the affair lies in a nnt-shell. The majority declare that the State does not agree to teach religion any more than a bootmaker undertakes to make hats. Supposing a man refused to go to a bootmaker because he did not make hats, it would be rather hard for the man to accuse the bootmaker of intolerance. If the man wants a hat he should go to a hatter. In the matter of education the State has chosen its lino, as it has every right to, and until that line is altered no accusation can he brought against it for want of fairness. It tells the denominsfionalists that tho inculcation of religion lies with their clergy. In the parallel instance wo have drawn, a hatter might refer tho man back to the bootmaker and say that ho ought to make hats whether he finds he loses money by it or not. This is just what the Catholic clergy are doing. The State finds that tho two trades of teaching secular learning and religion do not pay when taken together. The bootmaker finds that he can make boots both cheaper and better when he sticks to that trade only. But if Mr. Pyke’s speech was not convinoing, nothing could be feebler than that of his seconder, Mr. Dodson. His accusation against the present system was that at Blenheim he had seen a whole host of perfect babies in the schools. If he had road the Act he would have known that this was entirely against its provisions, and the good people of Blenheim should be looked after by the Inspector. Then, again, as to his charge against the laxity and partiality of School Committees. Whatever may bo the case in Marlborough, tho system has been found to work well all over the colony, and it certainly cannot be held to be responsible because the electors in that province are careless in their choice of whom they choose to represent them on the School Committees.

“ Could it,’’ exclaimed Mr. Weston, bo said that theirchildren could not all meet together for a few hours on a common platform.” The question may well be asked, and most people will fix the blame, not on the State, but on those who prevent the children. Indeed it is difficult to exculpate these latter, and altogether to clear them from the accusation made by Mr. Sheehan, himself a Catholic, that the movement “ was very like an attempt, on the part of the priesthood, to reduce their own hours of labor below tha eight hours’ movement, and cast their duties on the State.” Those who remember the way the clergy in Canterbury performed, or rather failed to perform, their part before the nnsectarian system came into vogue here, will probably ba inclined to think that there is a good deal in Mr. Sheehan’s witty remark. Sir George Grey also hit the nail well on the head when ho suggested that it would

bo more consistent on the part of the Catholics to introduce a Bill by which it should he legal to grant aid to their church education alone. Other denominations are satisfied with existing arrangements ; if the Catholics are not, let them do as Sir George suggests. The question will then ho put more clearly before the public. Whether the proposal will look any better when formulated in this manner is quite another question. We have said that the debate will do good, but, as Mr. Rollca l on declared, the matter is not one about which the country interests itself at the present moment. He was perfectly correct in asserting that the late elections had proved that this was looked upon by New Zoland as a settled question, not to be re-opened except after a direct appeal to the people upon it. Tho country is indeed satisfied -with the result of tho system, and the House has fully reflected the general feeling by rejecting Mr. Pyko’s Bill by a majority of nearly two to ono.