THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, MARCH 24, 1882. LIBERALS TO THE RESCUE!

Globe, Volume XXIV, Issue 2485, 24 March 1882, Page 2

THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, MARCH 24, 1882. LIBERALS TO THE RESCUE!

Me. Alexander Bkogden can hardly be in a pleasant frame of mind at the present juncture. On the one hand, his claims on the Mew Zealand Government for £400,000 are on the point of being investigated at the Supreme Court at Auckland; while, on the other hand, it is stated that he has received a cablegram from England, asking him to return there without delay, owing to the unsettled state of politics at Home. Now, as Mr. Brogden came out here many months ago with a view of looking after these claims, and as he has been anxiously prosecuting them ever since, it seems somewhat hard that just at the very time when he will be able to learn what his chances are, and will bo able to personally direct the final legal campaign, that he should be expected to return to the old country because the prospects of his party are not altogether as brilliant as they might be. It is looking for a good deal from a man’s patriotism to expect that he should throw away any chance of obtaining such a fine round sum as £400,000, in order to assist his party through a hard time. Mr. Brogden is a Liberal of a pronounced order, and it is evident that, if Jt is thought advisable that the party strength should be mustered in full force for a possible contingency, tHo Liberal leaders are not altogether so well satisfied with their position as they might he. Indeed there can be no doubt but that the Liberal management of the Irish question has not added to their prestige or security. Many who do not look upon the Irish Land Act with unfavorable eyes as tending in the direction of spoliation, are yet totally dissatisfied with the general theory with which Irish affairs have been managed. It has hitherto been an accepted principle that it is the first duty of the Government to provide for the lives and secnrily of its subjects. But it has seemed- as if the Gladstone Government, previous to the passing of the Irish Land Act, deferred to take active measures in this direction until the Act was passed. The theory seemed to be that the Land Act was to be the tme panacea, and that when once it had passed all would go well. But now that the Act has passed and is in full working operation, its provisions being taken advantage of to a very largo extent, nevertheless outrages in Ireland have not ceased, and still a species of terrorism is kept up over a very large part of the country. And although the Government are acting with somewhat more vigor than before, yet it cannot be said that the utmost that might be done by a powerful nation is being done. It is still the cry of the Liberals that the present tumult will be calmed by the Land Act. The abstract principle that the first duty of the Government is to protect its subjects is not recognised as many would like to see it recognised. It appears to be the cry of the Liberals that, as far as Ireland is concerned, there is no salva*ion or safety except through the Land Act. This curiously perverted rway of translating the first duty of a Government has disgusted even many hitherto devoted followers of the Government, and there can bo no doubt but that the position of the Liberals is not so secure as it might be. The statement that Mr. Brogden has been sent for need not therefore surprise anybody. It is a case of “Liberals to the rescue!” The Conservatives disclaim any wish for power, as they declare particularly that they have no desire to work out the Land Act, but would leave that unpleasant work to its framers ; but no doubt if a fair opportunity offered of tbeir once more resuming tho reins of power, no slight scruple such as this would stand m the way of their making the most of tho opportunity. SIR JULIUS YOGEL. In another column will be found a very amusing littlo paragraph from an Auckland paper relative to Sir Julius- Yogel. It is stated that Sir Julius has not yet given up all hopes of the Falmouth seat; that ho has a county residence in the district; and that he has secured the powerful friendship of Lord Falmouth himself, who has command of a largo number of votes. “ Indeed,” pursues the paragraph, “ wo are assured by a gentleman who has lately returned from England that Sir Julias Yogel is regarded by tho eolouista in London and by a few Conservatives as tho coining leader of tho party, who think that the mantle of Lord Beaconsfield has descended upon our late Agent-General.” Taken all round, this is about as amusing a piece of intelligence as we have come across for a. long t ine. That Sir Julius is a clever man, with a large command of figures and facts, and with broad views on many subjects, is not to bo denied, but that ho has any

chance of ever leading the Conservatives, even supposing that ho wore to get into Parli iment, is quite out of the question. Some few colonists in London may indeed think that the mantle of Lord Beaconsfiold has fallen upon him, but we should fancy that those few colonists were not remarkable for astuteness —were indeed green, very green. About the only point of resemblance between Lord Besconsfield and our worthy Knight lies in the fact that the former was, and the latter is? a Jew by birth. But Lord Beaconsfield was a political, social and literary meteor. Sir Julius’most devoted admirer can hardly claim that much for him. From his early youth D’lsraeli distinguished himself ns a writer of no ; mean order. He entered the House early in life, and as a debater he stood out in a | certain line, facile princeps; his epigrams were feared even more than his arguments: ho ruled his party by his wit and his tact. His social talents were no less distinguished than his literary and his political. He was the best talker in England. All these brilliant qualities, combined with a quite unswerving firmness of purpose, enabled him at last to be elected loader of the aristocratic party of England, and to take such liberties with that party as only a man who felt himself indispensable to it coaid do. Bat of which of these qualities is poor Sir Julius in possession ? He is certainly a good writer in a certain line, that is to say he might write a leader for the “Times,” or a readable essay in his own particular line in the “Fortnightly”or Contemporary,” but to call him a literary genins would be absurd. He is a hardhitting, and “ slegging ” literary man, and that is about all. Then, even if he gets into Parliament soon, he •will enter English political life late in life, and it takes some time before a member is able to get into the ways of the House, and feel the tone of parties there. Next, as a debater Sir Julius is nothing transcendent. His command of figures and facts serves him in good stead, but the polished and comprehensive style that is required for a leader in the House of Commons is not there. The House looks for something more than a fluent man in a leader : it requires a man of wide erudition, of occasional wit. It requires, in fast, to be charmed as well as instructed. And, finally, as to his social powers—has any one ever heard of Sir Julius’ powers in society? He may be able to make himself agreeable in a small way, but to say that he is at all likely to force himself on the Conservative party—on social units nearly all of them nicely conscious of the various points required to make up a social success—why all who know Sir Julius would laugh at the idea. No, we are afraid, notwirhstanding the colonists in London, that Sir Julius will never be a Lord Beacousfield. He had better stick to ’Change and his monied friends in the city, and not listen too much to his colonial admirers in London. We all know what happened to the frog who imagined that he was as large as an ox. He came to a sad end, and we should be very sorry to seo Sir Julius attempt for any length of time to blow himself out to the size of a Beacousfield