THE GLOBE. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 10. 1881. THE NATIVE CRISIS.
Supreme anguish reigns in Gloucester street, hy reason e£ the success of the Government plans at Parihaka. Libraries are ransacked for adequate terms in which to characterise the all-round baseness of a Ministry who are solving, without bloodshed, a difficulty which utterly baffled the Grey Government. The contrast between the present state of affairs and that which obtained when Sir G. Grey calmly advised the settlers, who were being turned off their lands, to look out for themselves, is too much for the constitutions of journals which are unable to see any merits except in their own friends. The very fact that the “ Lyttelton Times” is the only journal in the colony of any standing which has undertaken the task of hampering the Government, seems to nerve it to every increasing effort at special pleading, while, as for its little friend the “ Star,” it grows funnier and funnier in its attacks on the powers that be.
As we suggested would be the case, the “ Lyttelton Times ” has immediately endeavoured to make capital out of the “ deportment ” of Te Whiti and the Natives on the sth instant. “Such a feat of dignified, passive resistance has never been performed before by a savage race,” it says in a leading article of to-day. And then it absolutely goes the length of suggesting that the calm attitude of the Parihaka Maoris is due, not to the active measures of the Government, but to the manner in which the Natives interpreted the September speech of Te Whiti. That the “Lyttelton Times” should expect people to swallow such a monstrous theory is certainly not complimentary to its readers, pre-supposing, as it does, that they must be both foolish and ignorant. Foolish, because it is utterly impossible for the wildest imagination to screw out of the September speech any general inference that the Natives were intended to be calmed down by it. Ignorant, because such readers must bo supposed to be unaware of the fact that the immediate effect of the speech was anything but pacific, but that after it had been uttered the Maoris immediately became more threatening in their demeanour, and it was only when our forces were mustering in large numbers that the dignified and patient attitude which has so taken our contemporary was at all visible. As for the theory that the whole of Ta Whiti’s conduct of late, including what was said at the September meeting, was a mere attempt to get the title to the Parihaka block alone brought before the Supreme Court, that surely is also as wild a one as could possibly be constructed. In the first place, it is very evident that the September speech was held by the Natives to have no special bearing on the Parihaka block. Early in October they threatened that they would come down on the Waimate Plains, and one effect of the speech was the ploughing near Otakoho, which is nowhere near the Parihaka block. Then why should Natives from all parts of the country, having no possible claim on the said block, have assembled at Parihaka, if Ta Whiti was thought to be discoursing on the claims to such a limited area ? And, lastly, as to the general proposition that all that Te Whiti wanted was to bring his claims before the Supremo Court. In his interviews with the Native Minister and others did ho ever drop a hint that such was his desire ? Of course not. Ta Whiti valued too much his own peculiar influence to risk such a suggestion. We should very much like to see our contemporary dissect the prophet’s speeches and point out the places wherein a desire, however veiled, is displayed for such an arrangement. As to the assertions of the “ Lyttelton Times ” that our claims to the confiscated land in gross is vitiated by non-occupa-tion directly after confiscation, of that we have previously treated. The question is, are wo to bow to the Maori law or to the European ? If the former, tho sooner we restore the Waimate Plains to tho Natives the better. We presume the “Lyttelton Times” is hardly prepared to follow out its logic to such a length. With regard to Judge Gillies 5 utterances, what ho did in reality say is not at all clear, but from the little that has been transmitted by telegraph, ho most certainly does not back up the “ Lyttelton Times." Indeed, a high judicial functionary would bo little likely to step outside of his functions to trench on tho political aspect of the present situation. His business is to administer the law as ho finds it, and not to mako general disquisitions on matters of political morality.
A STAGGERER FOR THE “LYTTELTON TIMES.”
There will be observed in our telegraphic column a message from Melbourne stating that the “Age” yesterday published a special telegram, from London, to the effect that the “Daily News 7 ’ of the 7th instant contains a leading article on the present Native crisis, and warmly approves of the vigorous action of the Government. Our voluminous contemporary, the “ Lyttelton Times,' 5 strangely enough, this morning is peculiarly curt in its telegraphic items.
All English news is _altogether omitted and there is no mention of any Daily News” article. Our is surely somewhat unhinged by the leading liberal paper in England taking up the cudgels for the Government. It is sad that one of the first papers in the world won’t view the question in its true light—very sad. Quite enough, indeed, to unhinge any journal.
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Bibliographic details
Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2372, 10 November 1881, Page 2
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931THE GLOBE. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 10. 1881. THE NATIVE CRISIS. Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2372, 10 November 1881, Page 2
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