THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2351, 15 October 1881, Page 3

THE ELECTIONS.

Mr Fleaher will address the electors of Stanmore at the Bingsland schoolroom on Monday next. We received the following telegram from Timarn last night:—ln Mr Wakefield’s speech last night a mistake was made by the telegraph operator at Temnka, who sent— '* Ho owned to having tried to take the wind out of Sir G. Grey’s sails in the matter of local government,” instead of, “ He denied having tried, Ac.”

ME ALL WEIGHT AT LYTTELTON. Mr Allwright, the present member for Lyttelton, uud who ia a candidate for reelection to represent the game constituency, addressed the electors at the|Oddf cHows* Hall, Lyttelton, on Friday night. The hall was but moderately filled when the candidate came upon the platform, but the audience gradually increased, until there must have been fully 600 present. Mr Allwright, on coming forward, was greeted with applause. He asked that Mr Adam Chalmers, the gentleman who presided at the Hon. E. Eiohardson’s meeting last Thursday night week in the same hall, take the chair. Mr Chalmers congratulated the electors upon the excellent and well-con-ducted meeting which had been held on the occasion of Mr Eichardson’s meeting, and suggested that if those who bad a number of questions to discuss in connection with the coming election, would organize in such a way as to hold a specially called meeting, he would be glad to-operate. He would on the present occasion place himself in the hands of the audience, trusting to their good sense and good humor for the evening, bespeaking, at the same time, a fair hearing for Mr All wright. Mr Allwright said, by way of preliminary, that he had asked his constituents to meet him to give a slight outline of what had taken place during the existence of the Parliament which had recently terminated. He would, in the first place, crave their indulgence to go through such part of bis political career as boro upon his present position for a renewal of their confidence. Ho had been accused of almost everything—unfaithful as their representative in certain quarters, a turncoat and a traitor ; but if those who charged that upon him would but remember his expressed views on the first occasion on which he had the honour to address them, they must be convinced that he was undeserving of the accusations laid at his door. He stood for Lyttelton in the Liberal cause, went to support Liberal measures, and had acted consistently throughout, never upon any occasion whatever having gone astray in his duty and his pledges in connection with those measures. He had been sent to support the Electoral Reforms, Triennial Parliaments, and Redistribution of Seats, and be contended that the history of his career fully proved that he had done so. What he had moat distinctly stated at the first meeting was that be went pledged to measures, not men, and upon that platform he hod firmly taken his stand and still remained. Mr Allwright then gave an account of the most important Bills which had occupied the attention of the last Parliament —the Qualifio ition of Electors Bill, which he fully described as affording the nearest approach to manhood suffrage ; the Eegistra turn of Electors Bill, which afforded to the electors the fullest opportunity to have their names put upon the roll right up to the day for issuing the election writs, and the Triennial Parliaments Bill. The last measure, he pointed out, would not, had the so-called great Liberal party have had their way, taken effect for eight years, in place of, as’passed by the party at present in power to take effect immediately. The whole of these measures, he pointed out, were kept dangling for years before the eyes of the people without resulting in any practicable form, and it had remained to the reputed “ do-nothing ” Government to give them to the people. He justified his action on the petititions committee when ho gave his vote in favor of Mr Richardson on the question of unseating Sir George Grey for Christchurch, and said that whatever the consequences might be, were he placed in a similar position again, he would do as he then did on the evidence brought before the committee. A certain section of the Press had seen fit to blackguard him for his action in that matter, but he hoped he would see the time that he oould say he had lived down all such scurrilous writing in the newspapers. [Cheers.] It was a charge he had before refuted, and be trusted bis friends, together with his opponents, would see the futility of importing it into the present contest. The previous occasions on which he had publicly mot bis constituents had assured him that he possessed their confidence and approval, and he trusted that those who charged him with changing his colour would recognise that he was still unprepared to be dragged at the chariot wheels of any individual. [Applause.] With respect to the property tax, brought in by the Government during the first session of Parliament, ho admitted that his estimate of it hod considerably altered. He opposed it at every stage, under the impression that it was a most oppressive tax, but he was free to admit that the exemption, by which men of £SOO and under escaped it, made it, so far as the labouring classes were concerned, as liberal a measure as could, under.the circumstances, have been devised. He made this acknowledgment after having observed how the tax operated, and he would also acknowledge that, when it first came down to the House, ho had not given it that careful study which a newly admitted member to the House should. Mr Allwright then quoted statistics, such as have appeared from time to time in print, showing what a very small proportion of the population of the colony contributed towards the tax. He said that last session it was reduced to three farthings in the pound, and he hoped it would shortly be found to be unnecessary, and would be abolished entirely. It had been loudly predicted the tax would drive capital out of the colony, but oonld it now be said to have done so, when to-day there is more capital seeking investment at 6 and 7 per cent, than ever was known before in this colony. Instead of paying as much as X3£ and 15 per cent., money oonld be hired at the low figures he had just quoted. He then reviewed briefly the business done during the second session, and said that at the close of that session he again met his constituents, i who accorded him a vote of renewed oonfi-

dense. He would not lay claim to the posse*, ■ion of any extraordinary ability, but during that session, as in the one preceding it, he could claim to bare done his utmost for the people who sent him to Wellington, and for the colony at large. Of the session just over, he would first express his surprise of what had fallen from one of his opponents in the present election at a meeting a few nights previous. J£r Richardson had said that when the session opened the Government was unprepared to go on with the businesi of the country. This he would emphatically deny. He did it in no spirit of championing the Government ease, nor of lauding them for what they hud done, but in a spirit of fairness, candour, and honesty. Mr Allwright then gave a detailed account of the times at which the various Bills wore brought down, the Licensing Bill, Chinese Immigration Bill, Hospital and Charitable Aid measure, and so

on, and he proceeded to explain and criticise those several measures He had supported the Chinese Poll Bill Tax, had successfully opposed the clause providing for the return of the tax after three years’ good behaviour, had supported in the Licensing Bill the elective principle relating to the Licensing Benches, and had in connection with that Bill, opposed an attempt made by two gentlemen who had ranked as Liberals to take the licensing from the borough treasury and turn it over to the colonial chest. In speaking of the elective Licensing Courts, ho pointed out that there naturally would be in future a fight between the publicans and the Good Templars, in which case the increase in the number of publichonses in any place would be doubly checked, because, should the candidates put up in the publican interests succeed in licensing commissioners, it would be to the interest of the present hotel keepers that no more licenses bo granted, and should the teetotallers’ people be elected they would take care there would be no increase. Laughter.] Of the Regulations of Elections Bill, Mr AUwright explained that the ballot papers were now required to be gummed down and sealed by the Returning Officer on the corner on which the number was written, thus making discovery of the numbers less easy and adding greatly to the secrecy of the ballot. [Applause.] He regretted the Bill had not passed as brought down by the Government, as it provided for written nominations of candidates for Parliament instead of

public ones. The hours of polling had also been extended, and now were from 9 o.m. to 6 p.m. He then referred to the action he had taken in endeavoring to insert a clause in the 'Harbor Amendment Act brought in by Mr Biohardaon, under which the borough of Lyttelton would have been enabled to levy rates on the Harbor Board's Lyttelton offices. His action in that respect, he said, was of a piece with the whole of his oarrer as their repreaentative, namely, to get simple j ustice done to the town. Directly, he pressed for the insertion of the clause referred to, Mr Richard-

son dropped the Bill like a hot potatoe, or he, in other words, had it put off for a week, which was equivalent to dropping it. Referring to notes held in his hand, Mr Allwright said he had jotted down that the financial statement was brought down by the Government on the 6th of July, and noticed that he could not understand how a gentlemanlike Mr Richardson could say that the delay in the passing of business last session was due to the unpreparedness of the Government, Mr Richardson might have said so for some political purpose known only to himself, but the statement he had made, unless so explained ho (Mr Allwright) could not understand. He tben|referred to the no-confidence motion brought on at the close of the session, and which he opposed on both the ground of inexpediency and economy. Of the Gaming and Lotteries Bill he stated that he opposed it all through as an utter waste of time on the part of the House. He would have preferred that the time taken up by that ridiculous piece of legislation had been given to the Hospital and Charitable Aid Bill, but be would also take the liberty to tell those present that it was unsafe now-a-days to bet a half-a-crown or a]new|hat, for the commission of so heinous an offence would land the perpetrator in the clutches of the law, and render him liable to a heavy penalty. He did not comprehend how his opponent, Mr Richardson, had had anything to do with the Railway Construction Bill. Mr Richardson was a well known opponent of it, while he (Mr Allwright) had given it his unwavering support. The Government was not in a position to build the Hast and West Coast Railway at a oast of a million of money ; there had already been, moreover, enough squandering of borrowed money on political railways, and he hailed with considerable satisfaction the advent of the public company system. He looked forwam hopefully that the Bill of which he was speaking would bring about a very prosperous era for the laboring classes throughout the colony. The Redistribution of Seats Bill was next referred to by the speaker, who described the conduct of the great Liberal leader, Sir George Grey, in his allegiance with the stonewalling party as most unaccountable and inconsistent. He (Mr Allwright) thought the proposal to include the Maori population in the North Island electoral districts with the white people, and upon an equal footing, quite unfair. [Cheers.] If the Queen’s writ had equal force with the Natives that it had with the colonists, and the former were made to obey the laws equally with the white people, well and good, but he thought the Natives were sufficiently considered already. (Applause.] He then referred to the fact that the property tax had been so amended as to include absentees, by whom ho expected something like £40,000 yearly would be returned to the colonial exchequer. He thought the Corrupt Practices Prevention Bill unnecessary in a free and, he trusted, unoorrupt country like New Zealand. Thera was no necessity for such a Bill, but ho would remind his friends to be on their guard as to asking anybody to vote for him. He was, he said, fighting the election against a gentleman who held his seat by successful petitioning, and under the Corrupt Practices Bill a petition was rendered extremely easy of establishing. [A voice—- “ Does it allow a man to vote ?”] —[Laughter.f Speaking of the reductions made in the tariff, he said it might have been expected that a Conservative Government would have taken the duty off silks and satins, champagne and so forth, instead of taking it off calicoes, shirtings, moleskins, spades and shovels, and so on, as they had done, and be hoped further reductions would continue to be made in the direction of articles such cm these, the consumption of which was mainly with the working classes. Prom the tenor of his remarks it might be thought that he was an unwavering supporter of the present Government. That view ho excepted to. He was a supporter, certainly, as against the previous Government, but as he had before stated he was, and would be, a supporter of any Government whom he considered were honestly working for the good of the people and the advancement of the colony. Just so long as hia party did that, ho was prepared to follow them. [Cheers.] With the Government’s Native policy he entirely disagreed, and, without wishing to detract from Mr Rolleston many other admitted abilities, he [Mr Allwright] had not an equal confidence in him as Native Minister with that ho had of Mr Bryce. A handful of Maoris were costing the colony something like half a million of money yearly, which ho thought should and would, hod Mr Bryce’s policy prevailed, have been available for the prosecution of public works and the employment of the unemployed in the colony. Of the future legislation on local government, he thought it would bo sufficient were the powers of existing local bodies extended. Ho was also in favor of making the Legislative Council an elective body, instead of a nominated one, but with a different qualification than that required for the General Assembly. Speaking of the leases held of lands by runholders, he said he was not surprised that that subject somewhat exercised the mind of bis opponent, Mr Riohardoon. It was but natural it would. [Laughter.] He said the leases would fall in shortly, and if squatters were returned it might reasonably be predicted squatters’ runs would be safe for another ten years’ lease. If he was returned, he would pledge himself to resist any business of that sort. [Applause.] He thought all such lauds should be put up to auction. [Cheers.] [A Voice—- “ Can’t ; moat of it wouldn’t feed a rat, much less a man."] Mr Allwright said, that any way he was in favor of cutting up the largo runs where practicable. He said ho supposed Ministers would shortly be addressing the country and shadowing a policy, after which ho trusted to again address the Lyttelton electors. Before sitting down, he would, however, like to say that it seemed to him strange that Mr Richardson should have come to Lyttelton seeking to represent a decidedly working class constituency. Why had he not rather placed his services at the disposal of large runholders. [Applause.] Ho had no interest in the borough of Lyttelton, not the slightest interest, so that his candidacy appeared to him (Mr Allwright) as most

peculiar. He would give Mr Richardson all credit for what he had done as member of the Harbor Board, but were not other members equally entitled to credit; and really, after all, was it not of some consequence to the Producers, the wealthy squatters up country, that the harbor should be improved, thus cheapening freights, getting quicker despatch and so on. He believed the harbor of Lyttelton would ha-'e b e i almost, if not quite, as largely patronised by shipping if the Harbor bad never existed. [Cries of “ No, D 0 ’J had seen Mr Eichardeon described a* the friend of the stoker and the sailor. Why did he not have those vessels that worked on Sunday removed from the wharf p He (Mr Allwright) had done what he could to stop Sunday work, and he thought, as chaVman of the Harbor Board, MV Richard, son might havedonssomethirg Mr Allwright, after a few further remarks, sat down amid loud applause In replying to questions, he said he had not voted for the 10 per cant, reduction; if be had he would not have showed his faoe to t e working men of Lyttelton, or elsewhere, I again* He explained what he had done recently in behalf of tbe platelayers getting equal wages with the same class in the other parts of the colonv. and he said h* was surprised to hear Mr Richardson say he did not know that the platelayers on the O.nterubry railways were underpaid as compared with those up North. He thought the heads of the railway departments should be periodically changed round. That moving them from place to plaoe wag productive of good Complaints of injustice had reached him, and he declared himself ready to see them sifted, if brought before him with such proofs as would reasonably be considered just ground of dissatisfaction. [Cheers] No matter who the official complained againut might be, he was ready at any time to bring it home to him if, properly put before him ; and speaking of that, he wished to say that the present Premier, Mr Hall, he quite believed, was a sterling friend to apply to in any case where palpable injustice was done. He, Mr Allwright, had heard Mr Hall run down; indeed he himself had spoken disparagingly of him, but he was fully convinced, and would fearlessly state, that Mr Hall would not tolerate any injustice to exist to any Civil servant, no matter how humble hie situation, if the matter was made known to him. [Applause.] He (Mr Allrwright) was in favor of free, secular and compulsory education. [Cheers.] He was also in favor of the Parliament being held in Ohristchureh. After some other questions had been replied to, the meeting passed votes of thanks to MV Allwright and the chairman.

MR HOLMES AT THE GAIETY THEATRE. Mr John Holmes addressed the elector at the Gaiety Theatre last night in support of his candidature for Christchurch South. There was a large attendance, and the chair was occupied by his Worship the Mayor (Mr Gapes.) Mr Holmes, who was received with cheers, said he desired first to explain how it was that he appeared before them as a candidate in opposition to such a well known and so highly respected and worthy a gentleman as Mr John Anderson. It was not the first time that he had addressed his fellow citizens, and spoken the sentiments of a sincere well wisher of the people and a thorough democrat. Seeing that the most important constituency in Canterbury was, so to speak, going a begging, and being urged by many of his fellow electors, he made up his mind to come forward as a candidate,but asked for a week to consider the matter before finally deciding. Before that period expired he heard that Mr Anderson intended to enter the field. Ha had, however, then made up hia mind to stand. He concluded that it was well known to many of those gentlemen who requested him to come forward that Mr Anderson was likely to contest the seat, and, therefore, he imagined that the constituency was not unanimous in seeking the services of Mr Anderson. Moreover, he recognised that the colony was in that condition when men who had thought deeply on political subjects, and made such matters a study for a considerable portion of their lives, and who were able to address any body of electors or members, and put before them in a proper and intelligible manner what were the requirements and interests of such an electorate as that of Christchurch South, should [come forward, and he considered that it was only right and fair that he should redeem the pledge he had given of becoming a candidate for their suffrages. At the same time, be wished to say that the man who became personal in politics was beneath contempt, and he hoped that no one on his side would say or do anything offensive to so worthy a citizen as Mr Anderson, or to any of hia supporters. The first question they had to consider was what sort of a representative they should have. No man could represent his fellowmeu unless his opinions were in accord with theirs. One of the daily papers had cautioned them to observe in their selection three things—first, the character of the representative ; second, his ability ; cud, third, hia opinions. Now, he would reverse that order. They should first consider a man’s opinions. They could not get grapes from a bramble bush, and if a man’s opinions wore not liberal and enlightened they conld not hope to get from such a representative liberal and enlightened legislation. The next thing to consider was his ability. It did not matter much what his opinions were, if he could not stand before his fellow men and argue them and contest them. Let a man hold what opinions he might—let him be as respectable, as intelligent, and as wealthy as ho might, unless he had the ability to maintain his opinions, they might as well send a dummy to represent them as such a man. Before touching on general politics. he would like to give a profession, or confession, of his political faith. Any man who stood before an electoral community and professed himself to be a Liberal, must hold, in the first place, that all Governments should be constituted so that they shonld represent the majority of the people. [Cheers.] The will of the majority should prevail. The next doctrine of a true Liberal he took to be this : that in framing the laws they should aim at the greatest good to the greatest number; and where it was necessary in a community for the welfare of the majority that the interests cf a few should be sacrificed, then that highest of laws which shonld ever be observed in the regulation of free countries must prevail, and the interests of the few must he sacrificed to secure the welfare of the many. [Applause.] The next doctrine of a true liberal was that the lands cf a country were the inalienable possessions of the people of that country, and could not he so parted with that any individual should have an absolutely proprietory right in them. I Hoar, hear ] This doctrine was as old as the English Constitution. From time immemorial, when the Kings of England were sorely pressed for money to carry on wars, they levied taxes on the land ; and even at the present day if it was necessary to run a railway through a man’s land and ho objected the answer of the State was, “ Yen have only a conditional interest in this land. The Government say it is for the benefit of the whole community, that yon shall part with the land, and part with it yon must.” He would now touch on the question of education. Every man who obeyed the laws of the country ought to have a voice in the making of those laws, and he shonld have sufficient education to enable him to make an intelligent selection of a representative. He should be able to read the newspapers, and take a healthy interest in public affairs. Therefore, in his opinion, the present system of education in New Zealand was an admirable one. .[Hear, hear.] It was capable of improvement m only one respect. Technical education—instruction in the principles of art—shonld be substituted for Latin and Greek. [Applause.] The next question was that of representation. The Qualification of Electors Act, 1879, which gave a man the right to vote in respect of a freehold estate to the value of £25, even though it was mortgaged up to the eyes, was a violation of one of the first laws that shonld regulate the actions of the representatives of a free community—the law that every man’s rights shonld be equally respected in the making of the law. This provision was evidently passed to enable landed proprietors who were willing to spend £3OOO or £SOOO on electioneering purposes to multiply pocket handkerchief votes. A man had only to purchase £25 allotments in different parts of Canterbury and he could have a vote for each, and conld probably exercise ten or fifteen votes in one election. No man in a community shonld have more than one vote. [Cheers ] It might be advisable to allow one vote to property, bnt certainly not more. Representation shonld bo based on what is called the residential qualification. Every man who was twenty-one years of ago, and who supported himself, shonld have his natural right—his manhood right—to vote in the choice of a representative to make the laws under which he was to live. [Load applause.] It was argued that property should have its rights, bnt they would observe ttat this was only urged in respect of real estate, which showed that it was a remnant of the old feudal system, when the lord of the manor ruled over the neighboring village and villagers —when he looked upon the laborer, the mechanic, the storekeeper, and the merchant as instruments to contribute towards satisfying his wants, his luxuries, and hia aggrandisement. If that was not so, why did the advocates of the rights of property not include in their demands representation for personal property also? It was because they wanted to see here, as in the old country, a landed aristocracy. [Lond applause.] He now came to the question of taxation. He considered the land tax passed by the Grey Government an extremely fair one. It was not to be supposed because he said this that he was an out-and-out supporter of Sir George Grey. Ho stood [there* as an independent candidate to

support political viewSi and to advance political doctrine*, but not to be the rag-tag-and-bob-tail supporter of any man. [Oheera.J He wonld neither bear the brand of Sir George Grey nor the mark of Mr Hall. Tne present Government snbatitu ed for the land tax a property tax, which he regarded as the moat unjust, unfair, and inequitable tax ever imposed in any country. In its operation it favored the landed proprietor. A landed ctato valued at £IOOO would in a new country like this increase in value every day. until at the end cf three years - the period over which the valuation extended -it would be worth, say, £ISOO. But an unfortunate mechanic who owned an engine valued at £IOOO would have to Continue to pay the tax on that amount during the three years, although at the end of the period his property might ooly be worth £4OO. This was in violation ef one of the leading canons in regard to tax »ticn, that there should be equality of sacrifice. He did not agree with the tax upon the Civil servants. A professional man who earned £louo a year should contribute his share towards tho wants of the community, as ho benefittod as well as others from the construction of railways. As the landowner derived so much advantage from the expenditure on public works, a land tax of say OJd in the £ should be imposed. The owner of personal property should be t' ld that the credit of the colony must be upheld, an 1 that he should pay half the amount required from tho landed proprietor. Then they -hould say to the absentee, “ Although we catch you with a land tax and property tax, that is not sufficient. Protection is afforded to your property, and while tho man living in the colony with an income of £IOOO a jear pays 10 per cent, towards the revenue through the Customs, yon who receive the same income from the colony must pay, not the same amount but double. [Cheers.] The professional man with an incomeof £2OOO a year, having none of his money invested, was now untouched, and he should ba made to contribute 2 V per cent, on his income. Thus the taxation would ba levelled, and there wonld ba equality of sacrifice. A pressing question was how to relieve the community of a portion of the enormous burden which it at present bore. They were aware that the not debt of New Zealand was about twenty-seven millions—about double that of New South Wales with a population nearly twice as large. The value of the imports amounted to £6,162,000, and the exports to £6 352.672. leaving a balance in favor of exports of £190,681. Now, he did not see how it was possible, unless some miracle happened, for the colony to continue solvent long with only such a small balance to meet the enormous amount of interest on its private indebtedness. In New South Wales the excess of exports over imports was £1,514.000, and in Victoria £1,400,000. It would be incumbent on the next Government, in order to relieve the people of New Zealand from the enormous weight of debt they now carried, to start a scheme of public works. There was only one flaw in Sir Julius Vogel’s great scheme. There should have been a clause similar to one in the Railways Construction and land Act, enabling companies to make railways, and giving them land—a clause compelling people owning land on either side of the railway to contribute by means of taxation, according to the nearness of their land to the railway line, a certain proportion of the amount that the railway failed to produce in the way of income as compared with the amount which had to ba paid for the moneys expended in making the railway. [Cheers.] That course ahould ba adopted in regard to the East and West Coast railway. Let the Govern, ment sand out skilled engineers to determine whether between Christchurch and the West Coast a railway could be constructed which wonld he of advantage to tho community, and open up lands for settlement. It they reported favorably, the Government should say to the owners of land along the route, 1 1 Gentlemen, yon hold those lands for the benefit of the whole community. It it is necessary in the interests of the State to run a railway through your property wo shall do so whether you will or not.” The Government should then make the railway itself. It could go into the market and borrow money at about 4 per cent., while private speculators would have to pay at hast 6 or 7 per cent., if not more. If the Government thought a company could carry out these works on receiving grants of land, then by all means the Government should construct the railways themsolves. If the Government thought the scheme a wild one, and that the promoters were mere speculators, then they were much to blame in encouraging it. Either tho Government knew the scheme was a wild one, and that the promoters were more speculators, who would induce numbers of people to take shares in an undertaking which must prove abortive and causa a serious loss to the community, or else they were handing over to a private company a work which it would bo to the advantage of the colony that they themselves should carry out. It it was likely to pay the Government should take the scheme in hand, and apply the graduated system of land taxation, which ha had described, to a large tract of fertile country, capable of supporting the whole population of Christchurch, but at present only carrying 100,000 sheep. In this way the land itself would pay the interest on the cost of constniction. It would also maintain alarge population, who would contribute to the revenue through the Customs and other forms of taxation. In fact the territory in question—and he referred particularly to the large tract of land held by Mr G. H. Moore—which now only returned, say £20,000 a year, would then yield a revenue of about £140,000 a year. The Government was bound to carry out such a scheme, and to say to these large property holders “ The time has come when we must cease aggregating lands. The time has come when a stop must be put to the existence of large unimproved properties. It is absolutely necessary for the welfare cf this community that the land should carry a larger population and be more productive. fCheers ] In order to secure that object it is necessary that your estates should be out up, and that wo should make a railway through them. Tour property will be greatly enhanced in value, and therefore we shall tax you, and in such a way as will make it impossible to use the territory in any other than its legitimate way, namely, for he support of human beings and tho growth of food. [Cheers.] It was hardly necessary for him to say anything on the subject of local government. All the fuss made about local government was simply wind. We were overgoverned in New Zealand. Either the Hoad Boards or the County Councils should be abolished. The former should be made larger, or the latter smaller. The great difficulty was how to provide funds, and he would say to the local bodies, “ If yon want funds to make roads you must tax yourselves for that purpose.” [Laughter and cheers.] He believed he could draft a Shires Act which would meet all requirements in the way of local government. Another question he had heard described as a burning question was the Maori difficulty. To understand this subject it was necessary to live amongst the pakeha Maoris. The Maori difficulty did not proceed from the Maoris. [Laughter and cheers ] It was attributable to the pakeha Maori. He knew it; for ho had been amongst them. The greatest supporters of the so-called claims of the Maoris were the pakeha Maoris —officers of the Government, who, while pretending that they were doing all they could to keep the Natives quiet, were goading on them children of the forest, who, if let alone, would quietly die out in a very few years. The way to deal with them was to treat them as children who were fractions—to say to them : “ There’s a rod ; if you don’t keep quiet, I shall take it down to you ” Allow them to have their little fling, and after a time when they became obstreperous and offensive, and it was necessary to inflict castigation, then give them a severe and sound thrashing. The Maori difficulty would then soon disappear. The last subject to which he would refer was that of legal reform. The laws relating to the administration of justice in New Zealand were ns defective as they could be, and were partial in their operation. The wealthy man seeking the protection of the higher Courts paid less for fees than the poor man who appealed to the minor Courts. If two working men who contracted to moke a road or dig a ditch had a dispute involving about £lO. tho aggrieved party had no redross except a resort to the enormous and expensive machinery of the Supremo Court, whore it was impossible to conduct a suit at a cost of less than about £l5O. In small cases like that the parties should be able to go before the Police Magistrate, who should act as an arbitrator. The present law also operated harshly in ths case of a man who happened to be a witness, say in a street row, and who was forced to lose a day’s work, in consequence of which ha probably got drunk, and was brought before the Magistrate and fined. In conclusion, he would only say that they had seen him on tho platform before them, and they had heard his opinions. If they thought those opinions were satisfactory, end that he had the ability to convey his views in proper form to those to whom they should be addressed, then it would be for them to say whether they would support him at tho election. [Loud and continued cheering.] In answer to questions, Mr Holmes said the present education system met with bis approbation, and he would be no party to altering it in any shape. He wonld bo in favor of applying tho principle of local option to existing licenses only on condition that compensation was paid. Ho did not come forward as a nominee of the Licensed Victuallers Association. The Government should proceed with tho construction of tho East and West Coast Bailway, if it ware proved after proper investigation that it would pay working expenses. At present protective duties were imposed to the extent of from 15 to 20 per cent , and ho would not bo in favor of any increase. Mr Hulbsrt moved, and Mr Sexton seconded —“ That a vote of thanks be given to Mr Holmes,” Mr Jacobsen moved as an amendment—“ That the word ‘ confidence' be inserted after ‘ thanks.’ Mr George seconded. Tho amendment was carried, only a few hands being held up against it. A vote of thanks to tho chairman concluded the proceedings.

ME TOOMEE AT PHILLIPBTOWN. Last evening, at eight o’clock, Mr Toomer, sen., ono of the candidates for tho representation of Stanmore in the General Assembly, addressed a meeting of the electors of that district in the schoolroom, Phlllipstown. Tho room was well filled, and Mr George Collier was voted to the chair. In introducing tho candidate the chairman spoke of his long residence in the district, and his connection with the City Council, adding that he believed ho was introducing to thorn tho coming man. Mr Toomer, sen., who was well received, said ho came before them on the working men’s ticket, and no other. He denounced class legislation, which had brought them to a sad pass. Most of the men sent to Wellington were those of the long purses, and it behoved tho working classes to take care of themselves by sending representatives of their own class to the General Assembly. As a working man, who earned his bread by the sweat of his brow, he considered ho was a fit and proper person to represent their interests. His motto was, Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. He held that every man was entitled to the franchise, the laborer equally with tho gentleman, and he felt if they were not up and doing the same things that occurred at home would result here. He believed in universal suffrage. As for equality, they were all brethren, and it was high time that all should stand np for equal rights. He was for the ballot, not as at present in fores with the corner of the voting paper numbered so that votes eould be traced, but the ballot pure and simple. As for place seeking in Parliament, he would reduce what was paid there so low as only to pay actual expenses. Ho was glad to say that there w>s no property qualification hero; let them see that there never was. He believed in annual Parliaments, as it enabled bad members to bo easily got rid of. The candidate then gave his ideas of tho relative rights of capital and labor, also free trade and protection, claiming that all colonial products should be amply protected by heavy duties on the imported articles. He would sell the land, and do away with all largo holdings. Ho believed in the present system of education, but thought that the Bible should bo used as a means of teaching history only. He denied that the Hall Ministry deserved any credit for the Representation Bill, for even as Disraeli stole Gladstone’s Representation Bill at homo, so had Hall served Grey. He would be happy to answer any questions. In reply fo several questions, Mr Toomor said that he thought the Licet sing Bill shsnld have allowed pnblichousos to be opened at certain hours on Sundays to stop sly drinking. _ If returned, he would not give a thick and thin support to any man, but if S-ir G. Grey brought in a good measure he wonld vote for it, although, like Moses, Groy made mistakes. [Laughter.] As for the beer tax. he didn’t think it oppressed anybody, but he would rather shift the tax on to imported liquors. As for plurality of votes, he thought a man might be allowed to vote for three districts. Ho wonld sell the large freeholders’ estates if they were too big. He would like to see rai'way rates altered to suit local products, and was in favor of the West Coast Railway and also of its being carried out by private enterprise. He preferred a land and income tax to a property tax. As for the Lottery Bill, he did not like it, and if it did not work well, would vote for its repeal. Ho was decidedly opposed to tho Drainage Board being allowed to increase its borrowing powers. As for local option he thought that each district should say if hotels should exist in its midst or not, and if old established houses were closed, the owners should be compensated. He was opposed to selling the railways to pay the colonial debt. As for Native affairs, he had not given the question much consideration, but he supposed as the Government was hard tip it wanted the Maoris’ lands. He would tax absentees double. He was decidedly opposed te Chinese immigration. He wonld not give every swagger a vote, but he thought many of them were as good as tho questioner. The amended Bankruptcy Act was a subject he did not want to touch upon. On the motion of Mr C. Walton, seconded by Mr R. Clephane, a hearty vote of thanks was unanimously accorded to the candidate, and a similar compliment to the chairman terminated the meeting.

[PRESS ASSOCIATION- TELEGRAMS.] WELLINGTON, October 14, Mr W. Price, a candidate for Te Aro, addressed the electors this evening. He advocated the nonalienation of Crown lands, and proposed a system of leasing by which a fair rental would accrue to the colony, and the capital of small farmers, instead of being devoted to the purchase of land, would he utilised for fencing and stocking farms. He favored the imposition of a tax cn land already sold on a graduated scale, on a similar basis to that in Victoria. He believed in an income tax on all incomes above £2OO per annum. He would do away with the Custom Honse as being a relic of feudalism, and spoke in favor of free, secular and compulsory education. He opposed the Representation Bill, as the Act only went in ono direction. He would vote for payment to members of the Lower Honse only, and for reform of local government. He thought that the Upper Bouse should be elected the same as the Honse of Representatives. At the conclusion, a vote of thanks was accorded to the candidate. INVERCARGILL. October 14. Mr P. T. Finn, the well-known barrister, will contest Hokonui in the Liberal interest. As showing the interest taken in the contest for this seat, it may be mentioned that one gentleman recently forwarded to the Registrar of Electors between 400 and 500 claims for enrolment, the bulk of them being obtained from the north-eastern part of the electorate.