THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1881. THE REPRESENTATION BILL.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 231, 6 September 1881, Page 2

THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1881. THE REPRESENTATION BILL.

The struggle is ended, and the Representation Bill has passed the Lower House. It is now possible to look calmly and dispassionately back on the stirring Parliamentary scenes which have taken place during the last month. The ■eeond reading of tha Bill was moved by the Premier on August the 12th, since which date the Government and its supporters have had to meet with opposition constantly increasing in its bitterness, until matters culminated in the stonewalling operations which were put a stop to so firmly by the Speaker on Friday last. The Government have acted with great patience and firmness, and will meet with their reward in an increase of public confidence. One little mistake only they made, and that was the accepting of Mr. Moss’s amendment to give a leasehold qualification to electors. This idea is now to be developed in a separate Bill, but at best it had no business to be mixed up with the Representation Bill, and, when there is war d outrav.ee, it is always more or less dangerous to come to small compromises with the opposing camp.

As to the conduct of the stonewallers.

t is singular that it is considered in. many quarters as Laving been quite justified by the circumstances of the case. It appears to bo thought that a member's first duty is to his constituency, and that the balance only of his energies should be devoted to his country. Judged by this narrow spirit, in may, indeed, be fairly said that the Nelson and other stonewallers, maintained a plucky fight. But we hold it would have been far more dignified conduct on their part if they had simply placed their views on record, and had abstained from the risk of stultifying representative institutions. If the House had not been in possession of a Speaker as firm and as temperate as Sir G. M. O’Rorko, the result of the stonewalling operations might have been very serious. It is evident that at the very base of representative institutions lies the fundamental principle that minorities shall not rule over majorities. In autocratic governments it is too often the case that the strong hand and concentrated force of the few can override the will of the body of the nation; but, when the body of the nation rules itself, it is ridiculous to suppose that the weaker parts of the creature should dictate to the creator. The stonewallers, however, chose to risk everything for favor with

their own constituencies, and the sole praise that can be awarded to them is the negative praise that they finally yielded with a fairly good grace. The concluding scenes contrast favourably with the scones in the House of Commons on somewhat similar occasions, but then, on the other hand, the Irish constituencies arc far more desperate and exacting than are those with which our stonewallers have had to reckon.

Mixed up with tbo more serious questions of the day there have had to be noticed the amusing and inexplicable .gyrations of Sir G. Grey. It has been a case of “ Figaro here, Figaro there, Figaro, Figaro everywhere.” He has been whirling round the points of the political compass with a rapidity perfectly astonishing. A summary of the various speeches he has made during the last three weeks would furnish sermons for a dozen political preachers of the most varied denominations. Ho began in a despondent frame of mind by declaring that really it was no matter whether the 'Bill passed or not, as it was a matter of •quite secondary importance, the real burning question of the day being the existence of the Upper House, which, be hinted,was an institution formed expressly for vetoing all useful measures. But, as the debate proceeded, this lethargy of Sir George’s was gradually shaken off, he grew more and more animated, finally joined the stonewallers, and placed himself, notwithstanding protests on their part, at their head, and ultimately his exertions culminated in a blood and thunder speech against the measure, which, if it was decidedly enigmatical, Bounded as if it ought to have meant a great deal. Although Sir George Gray has, for years, been a man living on a past reputation, yet it is a sorry spectacle this of a once eminent gentleman showing lijy his total want of stability that be is no longer a fit leader of men. It is difficult to suppose that his manoeuvres can have done him any good in the North Island, bnt as regards this island, their effect is very evident. His most staunch supporters have thrown him totally overboard as hopelessly erratic. The “ Lyttelton Timea”has declared that he isno longer ■** the man for Galway,” and, if Sir George were at any time injudicious enough to try his luck with a Canterbury constituency, he wonld undoubtedly find that the leeway he made is not to be picked np again. “In politics,” said Napoleon 1., “ there is no resurrection.” When once the faith of constituencies has died completely out, it cannot be galvanised back into life by stump speeches, however well turned.

Apart from the actual result of the passing of the Bill, the very valuable principle has been affirmed that a periodical adjustment of the representation on the basis of population is desirable. We notice that the Premier in Jus concluding speech stated that, if in 1887 it was found that the North Island was entitled to a larger comparative share of the representation he would, if ho had then any say in the matter, be quite prepared to grant it. It cannot be doubted that this opinion quite coincides with that held hy the general public. In rapidly growing •colonies the adjustment of the representation must bo looked after at short intervals in order that Parliament may ■he the true reflex of tho voice of the nation. It is to be hoped that, when the next re-adjustment takes place, the lesson learnt by the late proceedings will not be lost. Any part of the colony that is not ■progressing with the times will then do well to bow to tho inevitable. Its members may perhaps then he wise enough to recognise that there is something nobler than a hopeless struggla in an unsound cause. They may perhaps then realise that their first duty is to their country, their second only to their constituencies.