THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, AUGUST 20, 1881. THE TARANAKI HARBOR QUESTION.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2304, 23 August 1881, Page 2

THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, AUGUST 20, 1881. THE TARANAKI HARBOR QUESTION.

When a contemporary appears to be totally ignorant of the facts of a case on which it writes, there is always a certain pleasure in setting it straight. For the sake of tho journal itself it is evidently advisable that tho facts of any question on which it confesses itself at sea should be proporly explained. The "Star," in its yesterday's issue, had an article on the Taranaki Harbor Board question, in which it practically asserts that tho whole affair is a " plant" made by the " ruling family," and in which it doclares itself anxious to discover as to who is responsible for the Bill passing through tho House. "The whole affair," it says, " bears evidence of having been a scandalous job designed to food Taranaki with public money, and those who wore privy to it should be exposed." From pnrcly philanthropic motives, it will be our duty to explain that the " ruling family," whatever that phrase may moan, is not responsible for tho expenditure, and our pleasing task to enlighten the " Star " and expose the parties who were privy to tho transaction Our contemporary appears to be totally unaware of the fact that the people of '

Taranaki are not, and have never been, in favor of the construction of a harbor at New Plymouth. It is an affair of town versus country. The towns-people have naturally desired to see their town in possession of shipping facilities which would largely increase the value of their properties, but the country people have held that any money that might be raised, whether by loan or rates, should be expended in the formation of roads and railways. Here, then, we find two distinct parties agitating for and against a certain project, the motive power in both cases being self-interest. The town of Now Plymouth was placed on its present site from singular motives. The gentleman who was sent from Wellington to fix the place gave it as his opinion that a good roadstead was better than a bad harbor. The country immediately behind the said roadstead is some of the most fertile in New Zealand, and these two reasons unfortunately induced the surveyor to place the town where it is. Instead of looking into the future, and considering that the district might come into possession of money to convert a bad harbor into a good one, he chose to think only of the present. With a little more prescience ho might have fixed on Waitara, or some other place, as the site. Tho people of New Plymouth are, in consequence of this mistake, in a permanent state of irritation with regard to their sea communication. They see that tho provincial capital should be the natural outlet through which the wealth of a very rich district should reach tho outer world, but they are borne down by tho difficulties of the situation. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that they havo hitherto dono their utmost in the hope of remedying the evil under which they suffer. We do not propose to discuss the possibilities or impossibilities of the harbor scheme, or the means taken to raise money, but we wish merely to point out that tho scheme is a scheme dear to the hearts of the towns-people alone, as distinguished from the country people, the latter having been all along opposed toit. To prove this we have only to turn to what has actually taken place. Previous to the passing of the Bill large meetings were held both in town and country, and the latter, when left to themselves, invariably ended by voting against the measure. There was one notable exception however, which, like many exceptions, only served to prove the rule. The railway at that time was opened as far as Inglewood, and a meeting was got up at that place—ostensibly, but not really a country meeting—and resolutions were passed in favor of the Bill. But how was this effected. A public holiday was proclaimed at New Plymouth, a special train was chartered, and 200 men were drafted from New Plymouth for the purpose of expressing the wishes of the country people ! We fancy these few facts will show clearly who have, and who have not, been moving in the matter, and will entirely npset the absurd theory that any " ruling family " is responsible for what has been done in the matter.

Wo come now to the second point, and to the philanthropic duty of enlightening our contemporary as to who is responsible for the passing of the Bill. We shall have to refer to stirring political times. In October, 1877, Sir George Grey succeeded in ousting the Atkinson Ministry on a catch vote, but hie position was decidedly insecure. Major Atkinson moved a vote of want of confidence, and a very near division was expected. At this juncture the New Plymouth Harbor Bill came under consideration. Major Trimble, at the beginning of the present session, gave us the full story in the debate on the Address in Reply. He had previously come up to Wellington along with a Mr. Bayley, a leading Taranaki settler, to represent the farming interest of the district, had seen Mr. Ballance and Colonel Whitmore, and had told them the position of the matter. Colonel Whitmore, who so soon after became Colonial Secretary, told Colonel Trimble that he might go home, it being no longer necessary for him to remain, as ho would see " that the Bill was kicked out if it reached the Council." But the Grey Ministry came into power, and the Bill incontinently passed. And why did it pass ? Simply because the votes of Messrs. Kelly and Carrington depended on the Government favoring the Bill. Who then was responsiblo for the passing of the Bill ? Sir George Grey and his following alone. They were in power when the proposition became law, and they favored it because it would give them two votes at a critical period. The Colonial Secretary, on the 30 th of October, sent a telegram to Major Trimble, the last sentence of which ran as follows :—" Government wish Bill in amended shape to pass." The Ministry, of which Colonel Whitmore formed part, were mainly responsible for what the " Star " calls a " scandalous job." Onr contemporary yearns expose the persons who were privy to the transaction ; it says their names should be given to the public. Wo take upon ourselves to give up those names. They are t*ir G. Grey, Col. Whitmore, Messrs Larnach, Macandrew, Sheohan, and Fisher—the members, at that time, of the Grey Ministry.