THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, AUGUST 9, 1881. THE REDISTRIBUTION BILL.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2293, 9 August 1881, Page 2

THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, AUGUST 9, 1881. THE REDISTRIBUTION BILL.

U NTIL the Redistribution Bill is passed the Government may expect a hard time of it. After the defeat of the No-Con-fidence motion the Representation question became at once the question of the day, and all those who examined the signs of the times were at once aware of the fact that a more difficult question was never placed before a Ministry than the reconciling of the interests of the various portions of the colony in the formation of a Bill based on a wide principle. It was perhaps natural that any attempt to interfere with the power at present hold either by localities or interests would bo resented, for bodies of men never treat subjects philosophically, and are least of all inclined to self-negation for the public interest. Hence the number of caucuses and the plotting and counter-plotting that has taken place since the new Bill has been on the tapis, though astonishing in a certain souse, might easily have been looked for. Localities such as Nelson and Marlborough have declared that the population basis is unsatisfactory, while

the digging interest has claimed to have certain mystic rights which should bar it from being treated in the way proposed. Perhaps, however, it would be well not to expect too much from constituencies which will suffer from the Government proposals. Nelson, for instance, has had its day, but has seen itself outstripped by its more vigorous sister provinces down South, Nelson“naturally feels querulous in consequence. The same with the digging interest. There was a time when its proportionate importance to the agricultural and pastoral interests was very different to what it is at present. Consequently the digging interest feels itself being thrown into the shade, and the bitterness of its feelings may cause much of its present discontent, and may explain, though not palliate, some of the peculiar and perfervid oratory used in tho House by Mr. Reeves and some of his digging confreres.

The attempt, however, on tho part of the Auckland members to import tho Maori vote into tho question is quite a different business. This is no more or less than a bare-faced attempt to re-open a question which has already been settled by Parliament in a manner that has given general satisfaction. The most pronounced philo-Maori would, outside of the political arena, never think of advocating that the Native population should be included in the census for electoral purposes. Our whole system of legislation with regard to Native matters is based on the supposition that, until a Maori is willing to share the responsibilifies of a European, he shall not be admitted to full electoral privileges. The representatives of irresponsible individuals would, in the very nature'of their powers, bo irresponsible themselves. The present four Maori members cannot be looked for to disprove this assertion. Compared with representatives of electors with colonial interests at stake, they do not shine. The interests of tho colony at large do not seem to trouble them, and naturally so, because their constituents are under what we may call their own private dispensation, and, when matters touching the State at large are involved, their feelings and pockets are but seldom touched. The time may be looked forward to when tho same qualifications and the same responsibilities may apply to both European and Maori, but, until that event takes place, it would be in the highest degree illogical to accede to the preposterous claims urged by the Auckland members. Another difficulty in the way of tho Government lies in their proposal to make each constituency of such a size as to return one member only. It has been suggested that this course would he detrimental to the constituencies now returning two or more members. Take Christchurch for instance. It is held by some that the interests of the city and suburbs would he safer in the keeping of three members elected for the district, as at present, than in the keeping of members each of whom was chosen for a portion of the district only. The member of Christchurch North, these people hold, would he specially devoted to the interests of the two northern wards, and would proportionately neglect the interests of the city at large. Such a fear appears to us to he quite unfounded. Christchurch proper, for example, is to he represented by two members, one for Christchurch North, the other for Christchurch South. Any questions respecting the city at large would be handed over to the care of both members. It is little likely that questions in which the interests of one portion of the city militated against the interests of the other would be brought before Parliament, but, even if they were, it surely would be no disadvantage for both sides to be, as it were, represented by counsel in Wellington. And while we do not share the misgivings of the objectors alluded to on this particular, we can hardly think that they themselves will deny that the real will of the people will be more clearly ascertained by the proposed arrangement. Tho present state of affairs leaves too much latitude to party organization. Government by party is no doubt desirable, but that is a totally different matter from the activity of party organization coming unduly to the front in election time. Take, for instance, the last election in Christchurch. It will be conceded that the Greyite party was better organised than the Hall party, and the result, we hold, was singular. The Greyites, being well in hand, plumped tor their own men according to instructions. Tho Hallites, in numerous instances, did not give a party vote. They voted for one or more of their own men, and very probably threw in their odd vote for Sir George Grey, because “ he was a plucky old man to invade the enemy’s country.” Some such action as this, we are convinced, very frequently took place, simply from want of discipline among the Hall party. It may be said that the Hall party deserved tho result. That may be true enough in a certain sense, but, viewed in the abstract, the most complete form of representation is that which leaves least to chance. The safest guides are not always those who are most active. Some of tho leaders of the extinct Liberal Reform Association have proved to he erratic comets, both financially and otherwise. That form of representation which most clearly traces out the will of the people is, to our mind, the most desirable, and single constituencies, in theory at all events, more nearly approximate to the ideal standard than those existing under present arrangements.