MR SAUNDERS, AT WAIKARI.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2249, 13 May 1881, Page 4

MR SAUNDERS, AT WAIKARI.

On Wednesday evening Mr Saunders, M.H.R. for tho Cheviot district, addressed a well-attended meeting of his con-fltitaenfc-j at tho Waikari schoolroom. About sixty were present. _ Mr Nugent 0. Wade was voted te tho chair.

The Chairman briefly introduced tha member for tho district, who, he said, was present to give a report of his Parliamentary proceedings since last they mot. Mr Saunders began by saying that he regretted ho hod not been able to come before tho electors in this portion of the district earlier. It was nearly two years since he me t thorn lest.. His duties as chairman of the Civil Service Commission had interfered when ho intended to come, in the first instance, and after last session being advised to address the constituency at Kaikoura after the harvest, ond requested to postpone his visit here till after tho shearing, he had intended doing so. Ho spoke at Kaikoura, but was seized with a painful attack of illness whioh prevented him meeting the electors at this end till the present. He went on to say that he was born in a Midland county of England, was one of a family of ten, and as their place of residence was 100 miles from London, it was only occasionally that any of them visited that city ; but whichever of the family did so, he was expected, on returning, to give a full description of what ho had seen and heard. Ho felt himself in a similar position now. He had been sent to tho capital and Parliament, and was bo doubt expected to tell them all about what ho had soon and heard from the great men of the day. On this occasion he would not, as ho had done at the Kaikoura, refer to them personally. Ha had boon accused of impudence and arrogance in referring to them provionoly, but it was only right, in his opinion, that the electors should become acquainted with the men they appointed to govern them, and they were perfectly at liberty to criticise them and their notions. Time would .not permit of his referring to them, however, now. The Cheviot district was a peculiar one to represent. In some ways it was a pleasant one, and in another respect it ■was not so wall favored. It was a weakly represented district, from the fact that be had no colleagues near him who, being aware of its requirements, could assist in obtaining a recognition of their local wants.. Erom its earliest history it had boon unfairly represented. While it had, moreover, never received its due share of tho expenditure on public works, it was subjected to full taxation "in common with places favored to a greater degree. Though the district might be thinly populated in proportion to its area, there was otifl tho fact that tho taxes on that area were none tho less in proportion to those of more populous districts. Being subject to taxation, it was a matter of interest to them to see the affairs of the country managed economically. Without setting himself up as a boaster, he could say that daring the last session ho had been able to obtain a greater reduction in the public expenditure than any other member of the Assembly, [Cheers.] By-and-byo ho would say more on that point, but here he wished to point out that the Canterbury newspapers had in instances misreported him or not reported him at all. While he might look upon this in one way as a compliment, it did not give the electors a fair chance to judge of their member’s actions. When the 10 per cent, jreduotion was proposed the “Lyttelton Times ” had represented him as acting the part of a tool of the Government. Recently they ohoao to vilify the latter and take up the view that tho 10 per cent, reduction was tho proposition of one of their supporters. [Laughter.] Such on authority as tho “ Times ” could certainly not be allowed to have this both ways. At the meetings of Government supporters ho proposed a reduction of 124 per cent., but it was with the consent and assistance of the Government that he carried the point for 10 per cent. He felt amused to notice with what bated breath the hon. members had referred to this reduction. He looked upon his action as a duty to tho country generally, recognising that it was not fair that tha Government servants should receive wages which made others dissatisfiod, and a rate which other employers could not afford to par. As changing places between tho poor farmers and the Government servants, tho former were called on to contribute also to a far greater extent to tho taxation of the colony. No aot had done such an extent of mischief as tho public works policy, introduced by Sir Julius Vogel for tho benefit of the towns. The act was most unfair and unjust to this district. While that policy had brought a heavy debt and increased taxation, they hod not benofltted locally. Tho railways could have boon made sooner and better if loft to the Provincial Councils, but tho towns had now received the benefits, and country districts ran short, Tho fault lay with the people, who had not taken that interest in the question which they ought to have done. On the one hand he conceived it to bo tho duty of their representative to got all for his district possible, but if he could have proved instrumental in preventing tho borrowing of public money, whioh hod not benefited tho district to that extent which it ought to have done, he would have felt very well satisfied. Having no assistance there to push its claims to grants, he must take credit for having been successful in reducing the enormous expenses of the country. [Cheers.] It was impossible for him to support the late Government on account of its spending money recklessly, and taking them further into debt. They got through nearly fifteen millions of money, or more than half our national debt. Muoh as he might agree with tho Liberal party, he could not go with them in uncertain expenditure. Regarding tho extension of tho railway, ho pointed out that tho Commission which was appointed to decide upon the lines to be put forward, was checked by the want of funds, and Canterbury only obtained its recommendation for a limited extent of railway. Here again the ■want of assistance to him was also shown, and the necessity for votes to obtain tho desired end. The line hod been left to be partly carried oat by the men out of work in the town, aud the Minister hod now called for tenders for its completion a certain distance, whioh it was hoped would be soon done. Tho Government, however, would, perhaps, give a promise to make the line spin out os long as tho Government* usually did; but they might rely on it, ho would urge tho matter very strongly, [Cheers.] "While speaking before of the manner in whioh ho was not reported, he stated that the local papers had made no allusion to the fact that on July 23rd he obtained a redaction of tho Speaker’s salary by £200; Chairman of Committees, £200; and three other officers, £IOO each. This was quite as difficult an operation as might bo supposed to havo happened when tbo rats wanted to bell the cat. In addition to the reduction of £7OO a-yoar thus made it was a move to cat down the top salaries, so as to show the intention of treating all alike in tho reduction then proposed. Not one paper gave him credit for this. (A Voice —Not tho Puaaa ?) Not tho Tanas, exeunt perhaps referring to one of the . salaries. Ho next proceeded to allude to a statement mado by Mr J. D. Lonce at a Waikari meeting, who waa reported to have said that ho (Mr Saunders) had written to his brother a letter referring in strong terms to the Hon. Mr Oliver, and stating that ho did not care to represent the district any longer. Ha observed that ho did not think bo had made use of expressions whioh could be so construed, and even had he done so he thought any person who mado public a letter in that way was a gentleman not entitled to his confidence. Ho had mony times received advice and suggestions from Mr H. P. Lance, and ho did not think that anything which had passed between them could be construed as implying that ho would not promote tho railway petition, or did not mean to servo his oonetituency as faithfully as it was in his power to do. [Cheers.] Farther, was it at all likely that he would do any act which might bo used to his prejudice if he loft them and sought, another district. [Hoar, hear.] Ho referred next to tho speeches of members, of tho late and present Ministers.Mr Bryce and tho Hon Major Atkinson, whioh he regretted wore not published so full or circulated so extensively that they might be read by all. Ho ailedod en passant to tho correspondent of tho “Times ” having said he would make it hot for Mr Bryce, and he understood the same correspondent was inclined to make it hot for him (Mr Saunders), because he (Mr Saunders) had no intention of making it any way pleasant for him. [Laughter.] Major Atkinson’s npoooh, with all its excellences and its faults, tended to inspire confidence, and there woro few gentlemen so plain and outspoken as tho present Treasurer, even to the extent of informing all the colony what he had been able to achieve for his Taranaki district. Tha Treasurer’s speech had gone completely into the financial condition of the State, and the efforts to redeem tho credit of the colony by making it* income meet its ex-

ponditnre, and reflected upon that gentleman the highest praise, especially when it was borne in mind that this was the first Govern* ihont in New Zealand which had reduced the expenditure by a single shilling. [Applause.] Many of them had professed to do so, but only the present Government had accomplished the end. They had succeeded in effecting a reduction of a quarter of a million. This statement of their financial condition was made by a gentleman not in the habit of romancing, and before a body of men who would very soon have shown him if there had been any errors. They had to thank the Government for a searching sifting of the expenditure, and for the reductions effected. Ho did not agree with all the Treasurer had stated regarding the property tax. No system of taxing could be good unless it was cheaply collected and impartially administered. While Major Atkinson told them they must bo careful not to kill the goose which laid the golden eggs, or drive the bees out of the hive, but only get rid of the drones, ho did not include all fairly in the system, there being a marked difference in the operation of the property tax upon professional men and the farmers. The latter wore producers, and brought so much wealth to the country, while the professional gentlemen did not contribute in the same degree to its wealth. The object of the State should bo to encourage the farmers,which would not certainly be done by taxing them to such an extent that they could not sell their produce to odvantage in competition with other countries. The taxes and cost for railway charges, ho urged, mado a most appreciable difference on the progress of farmers, and unless they could compote in the European markets with their produce the progress of the country was stopped. [Cheers.] While they taxed the farmer, the professional men ought also to be made to pay their share to tha State—the lawyers, the doctors, and the parsons, and the whole retinue of them. Tha country could do with more farmers and more producers. They must be here, or the progress of tho colony would come to a stand ; but the lawyers, they could do with fewer of them. [Laughter.] If there were fewer parsons and fewer congregations they might follow tho simple truths of Christianity and go to one common place of meeting. [Cheers.] And as for the doctors, ho felt certain they could very well dispense with several of them also. Tho loss they had to do with them tho better, [Laughter.] Sir George Grey’s principle seemed to be towards exempting towns from taxation. Ho always seemed to be for leaving tho professions and the shopkeepers free. His (Mr Saunders’) idea was that if the shopkeepers were taxed a trifle more it would send more of them into the country to work in raising its products and its exports. A policy tending to encourage the population to congregate in towns was a bad one, and that which took the producers’ money and appropriated it nearly all for tho benefit of shopkeepers was equally bad. Ho was an advocate tor taxing land, bnt not improvements on farms. Speculation in land was a proceeding to bo discouraged. Taxing the runholders and exempting town lands, as proposed by Sir George Grey, was a most_ shortsighted proposal. Coming to the question of protection, he advised those present that the less they had to do with it the better, for protection always meant adding to the burthens of the agricultural and producing communities. A high duty existed on candles. Who paid it ? Why tho farmers. A high duty was put upon boots to aid the local trade in boots. Who paid it ? Why tho farmer. One class of tho community was being taxed to tho injury of the workers. His opinion was that it was bettor to leovo protection alone, which would allow tho articles to bo made which were beat adapted to be made hero He was a freetrader, and hoped ho should long remain so. Ho had supported the property tax in preference to tho land tax, as the latter was impolitic and unjust. Through his efforts tho machinery on a farm had been exempted, though it was his desire to see the farmhouse, tho machinery, and the farm horse all exempted. He approved of tho £SOO exemption, as the small property holders contributed largely to the Customs revenue. Tho Customs revenue was a good way of reaching the Maories. It was also a voluntary tax, which was to be approved of. It formed an admirable fund from which to pay for free education, for hospitals and charitable aid. There was a sort of satisfaction to persons who availed themselves of tho education system and charitable aid in knowing that they were contributing towards tho very fund out of which they received tha advantage. The only objection to tho Customs might bo because the poor man contributed a larger share than the wealthy, and it might be held that tho wealthy ought to be taxed. It was from this view ho approved of tho exemption of £SOO in respect to the assessment for the property tax to tho poorer class. [Cheers.] In connection with this he alluded to the gold duties. This was raised really for the benefit of tho diggers themselves. It was more convenient for the diggers to pay for their public improvements in this way than to bo called on for a voluntary rate, while those who were disposed to assist would do so under the latter plan, and scores would not give a fraction. [Cheers.] It was most important that people should feel that the Education system was kept up by their voluntary payments to the customs, and now that the country had a system of universal suffrage it was of paramount importance that the people ought to be able to read tho news of the day, take an interest in their country, and judge whether they were governed indifferently or well. [Cheers.] Approaching the question of representation in a new country, whore the population was increasing or changing Its locality, so that tho districts were not thoroughly settled, it was requisite to readjust tho representation basis. Tho last was an improvement on the old Bill. While the electors in towns might be politically more intelligent than those of tho country, he maintained that the representation of cities and towns still preponderated. The consequence was that, however intelligent they might be, they still insisted upon tho country having a heavier share of taxotion than they did. He desired to see the representation so adjusted, that tho town electors might not have power to ruin the country, and eventually themselves. [Cheers.] He had no doubt but the members of the City of Christchurch would admit this in the abstract, though they dil not say so. Canterbury did not seem to be fairly dealt with in the new Bill. Ear instance, New Plymouth, with 2680 electors, elected one member ; Auckland seven, with 4640 electors to each. In Dunedin, 5588 persons returned one member, whilst there were only four members for Christchurch, or one member for 6633 electors. By this calculation, New Plymouth had one member for less than half the number which returned one member for Christchurch, Possibly this might hare arisen from the generosity of the Canterbury members of the Ministry, who were [anxious to set a good example in not asking for a larger number of members ; but tho fact was, that there was still an inequality in arrangement for tho new electoral districts. His dosiro was to see the country well represented, and to havo fair play. [Ohoers.J Now ho was on this point he had to say that an error had been made by him in the separation of Kaikoura, which ha should ask to havo rectified. One gentleman bad stated he was the last to know of this mistake. Now, as he had asked for it on representations made to him, ho might any ho was really first to know of the change, and regretted ho had been led astray in tbo matter. He entered into a full explanation of the actions of the Civil Service Commission. They began at Wellington, and then decided to inspect as many parts of the service as possible personally. Having found out several remarkable delinquencies, and received a general expression of opinion from tho heads of departments that they thought the wages of the servants ought to bo reduced, while tho lower servants thought the upper ones were the ones to bo so treated, they came to the conclusion to propose the reductions which havo taken effect. Although the Government before the session was over heartily repented having proposed the Commission, he was glad to see that its labors had been a success. [Cheers.] Tory soon after the close of tho approaching session a general election iqust take place. It was highly probable that fn the course of the session something might turn up to furnish a kind of war-ery for that contest, but whether it did so or not it was most likely that the greatly-abused word “ liberal ” would continue to be claimed by those who had lately driven all the real Liberals in Now Zealand to join the Conservatives rather than take part in their wild and reckless attempts to seize power at any cost to the country, and under the name of “ Liberalism,” to govern without a Parliament, to incur unlimited debt* without the consent of the people’s representatives, to conceal entirely the true state of the colonial finance, to corrupt and demoralise the Maori race, and to pay both members of Parliament and high executive officers large bribes fion

sums which the House of Representatives had voted for entirely different purposes. In matters of this kind it was most necessary, he said, that they should not be deceived by mere names. A thief could cry “Stop thief ! ” as loud as the best policeman ; a Quaker’s coat could bo assumed by the most dangerous cut throat, and a bishop's garb by any pickpocket. Marat and Robespierre called themselves Liberals, but history judges them by their actions and not by the names they choose to apply to themselves, and when they eaw the; name Liberal claimed by a party which had never passed one Liberal measure, which had never economised one shilling of public expenditure, which hod never prevented one act of oppression, but which had been proved to obstruct liberal measures, to bring the colony to tho verge of rain by its reckless extravagance, to greatly increase the nominee chamber it promised to abolish, and to bribe newspapers and candidates and member* of the House of Representatives with the public funds, it was time that tho elector* of Now Zealand should look beyond mere names and judge its public men by what they have done, and not by what they called themselves. His ideas of a true Liberal were very simple and old fashioned. Ho called that man a Liberal who simply took the golden rule for his guide in polities, and endeavored to do to others as he could reasonably wish others to do to him. That was the rule which if simply and faithfully carried out would do more than anything else to promote t he happiness and prosperity of any country. That was tho liberalism of Hampden, of Elliott, of Pym, of Washington, Wilberforce, Clarkson, Oobden, Bright, and Gladstone, and it was a wicked perversion of a good old word when it wa* assumed by those who are seeking to profit [by the propagation of animosities and perpetuation of prejudices. [Cheers.] The men to be trusted wore the men who really sought the greatest good of tho greatest number through good report and evil report, and often sought it in a way for whioh they got no thank* from any one. These were tho true Liberals, and such men could always be depended on to support any reform that is worth having. [Cheers.] The *ham Liberals wore men whom all classes should -distrust —they were easily known in any community. They seek popularity at any price; they profess to support whatever seems to take the fancy of the majority for the time being; they hold out false hopes to the ignorant that they know can never be realised. One of them had even gone so far as to toll a large audience in Christchurch that what he proposed would so change tho concition of tho colony that “ there would be no discontent, as everyone would have whatever they wanted.” But worst of all, they appeal to the lowest end meanest passions of our nature, and too often try to make us believe that instead of the golden rule they ought to regard tha good of others as their own misfortune, and the prosperity of the community was to bo promoted by each one trying to injure his neighbor and by setting one class of tho community against some other class. Eor the purpose of such men it is of course necessary that the class to bo pointed out as the object of envy, malice, and hatred must be the class that commands the smallest number of votes. [Cheers.] There was another description of men, who not only call themselves Liberals but who really believe themselves to be so, who were more honest and respectable than the sham Liberals, though they were generally used by them as their ready made tools. This class of men inherit their politics as so many poisons inherit their religious views, and carry from generation to generation prejudices for or against certain things or names, which may long since have become tho reverse of what they wore when our forefathers formed their opinions about them. This was strikingly exemplified in England by tho. prejudice and real alarm that was kept up against the Catholics for centuries after they had ceased to be a powerful or possibly persecuting body. No one could read the History of Groat Britain without admiring the firmness with which the old Scotch Puritans resisted each insiduous step of the Stewarts to force on them the emblems of Episcopacy, and some of them can even admire the spirit with whioh Jennie Goddes threw her stool at the officiating parson who was trying to got in the thin end of the wedge in the church at Edinburgh. But it was not so easy to admire the prejudice against things harmless in themselves, whioh the descendants of tho Puritans still maintain, and tho animosity with which they still view the sign of a cross on a tablecloth. Ho supposed that it was something of the same spirit whioh now kept up a bitter hatred against the once powerful but now persecuted squatters of this colony. Twenty years ago the runholders of New Zealand were in complete possession of the Government of this country. Partly by their wealth, partly by their leisure, partly by their intelligent unity of purpose, but principally by the superior talents and education of their leaders they had succeeded in getting all the Government power, and a very great deal of tho social power and influence of,the colony, in their own hands. They commanded an overwhelming majority in the Provincial Council, and in both Houses of Parliament. Tho judges, the magistrates, and the special juries, were ail appointed at their bidding, so that the Courts of Law were no refuge from their influence. Like most well informed men the leaders of this omnipotent party used their great power with considerable moderation. They, of course, made what laws they pleased, and they tried in various ways to got all the cream of the land in their own hands. Some of them in this neighborhood got Sir George Grey to give them a good slice at a very cheap rate, and to greatly impede the progress of this part of Canterbury by so doing ; but upon the whole they rather illustrated tho groat law that generally over-rides all selfish legislation, and really did less good to themselves as well as to the colony than they would havo dona if they had been obliged to consider not merely their own but the general good. At that time it took a bold man to stand up in the House of Representatives, or even at a public meeting, and oppose any of these squatters’ little games; and there were very few men who would venture to do it. Only those who have ever tried it can know how severe the punishment for such audacity was, and in how many ways they could take their revenge oh their assailant. They were in the zenith of their power about 1860, and since then have gradually waned. Sir Julius Vogel took a good deal of wind out of their sails, and did much to complete their overthrow, though it must be admitted that he attacked them more for their virtues than for their vices, led them into their worst blunder, and was ready at any time to come to terms with them. After their power was evidently gone, and there was nothing more to be hoped or feared from them, a host of their former flatterers and assistants turned round upon them and joined in tho cry against thorn. At the present time the cheapest and easiest way to earn the title of Liberal in New Zealand is to howl at these squatters and accuse them of every imaginable crime. Eor the last three or four years there have only been about five of them in the House of Representatives, and if those five want anything passed, their best way is to oppose it, as their support of any measure would certainly excite suspicion, and ensure the opposition, both of the sham Liberals who profit by their unpopularity and of those unthinking hereditary politiciau«, whose honest forefathers taught them, and taught them truly, that tho squatters had too much of their own nay in tho New Zealand Government. In short tha New Zealand runholders have now suffered that very common and natural transition from the dominant to the persecuted class in tho community. If any proof were wanted that they have gone through this transition, and are now perfectly harmless, it would onlv be necessary to point to the fact that tho ‘‘ Lyttelton Times” now dares to rail against them, though it once took so much pains to uphold them in all their worst actions, and would not at one time insert in its columns the most temperate letter that could be written against them. The dangerous battle was then left to such mou as Sir Wm. Eox, tho Hon. Thomas Dick, Mr Reader Wood, and Mr Ormond, whom we are now told are no Liberals at all, and ore not to bo trusted by tho working men of New Zealand. These true and tried liberals, who fought our battle bravely when there was real danger in the conflict, are now to bo called Conservatives and Tories because, like all brave men, they refuse to jump on their fallen foes, and will not practise themselves the injustice they deprecated in their opponents. These soldiers who went to the front when there was danger to meet, who flinched not when everything was at stake, are no longer to be trusted by us —we are to transfer all our confidence to the wretched camp followers, who rush in when all danger is certainly passed to spear tho wounded and strip the slain. He sincerely hoped that at the general election a great majority of really liberal men would bo returned, but it would be a great calamity to

the country if the electors should demand no I better proof of their liberality than the same I they chose to apply to themselves or to their I party. In the present state of the colony, and in so small a community, they could not afford to keep up useless and obsolete dissensions, or to ignore the services of the best men from any class, far less could they afford to put men in power who for selfish purposes are trying to perpetuate animosities for which there is no longer the slightest justification—to sow suspicion while we stand so much in need of mutual confidence, and to reuder impossible what is so urgently demanded to rescue us from the consequences of our past political blunders —“ A long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether.” [Cheers.] He concluded by thanking the meeting for its patience, and resumed his seat amid applause. Mr J. D. Lance said it was rather an accidental circumstance that brought him to the meeting, as ho had come to the Waikari on Road Board business, and finding that Mr Saunders was to address them he had stayed, and was very glad that he had done so, as he had never listened to a more full and instructive ’speech on public questions, or one with which ho more generally agreed. Mr Saunders had, put the questions of taxation and representation of towns v. country in a very clear and feasible light, and he would relate an incident that came under his own observation in support of what Mr Saunders had said. When travelling in France ho met a citizen who told him that when Napoleon 111, had insisted on taxing the citizens Heavily they thought themselves very badly used, but after some years’ experience of the effect of making the towns pay rather than their customers in the country they found it was greatly to their advantage, and that as tradesmen they reaped 10,000 francs advantage for every 1000 that they had paid in taxes. Ho could not say that the report Mr Saunders had read of what he (Mr Lance) had said some time back was word for word as ha said, but he believed it was a correct representation of it. The letter referred to, though it was not on foolscap, and in a O.P 8, envelope, was in no sense a private one, as it was on public business, and in reply to questions on public subjects. It distinctly stated that Mr Saunders would not be likely to seek the support of that diatrict again. [Mr Saunders—No] Well that was his recollection of the letter, and what he had done and said about it he would do again. Ho was no parochial man, and did not think it the duty of o representative to give his principal or even much of his attention to local affairs. Ho believed Mr Saunders had done great service to the whole colony of New Zealand during the last session, and ho gave him every credit for it, but thought his ardent attention to Colonial work had taken him a little too much from proper attention to his own district. Mr Saunders had complained that his work was not reported in the newspapers, but they had heard a great deal about Mr Saunders in connection with the railway waggons; so much, indeed, that they had ' come to the conclusion that Mr Saunders had got into the railway waggons and would never be got out of them. [Loud cheers.] Mr Saunders said that he could not understand how such a letter could be regarded as otherwise than private, as ho was not aware that Mr Lance’s brother held any official capacity. If ho had spoken of Mr Oliver as the “Lyttelton Times” stated, that alone would make any ordinary letter private in the usages of gentlemen ; but he had no recollection of having done so, and had certainly not excused himself from decent attentions to bis district on the ground that he wanted no more of their support. So long as he held the seat, it was his clear duty to attend to its interests, and that he would do to the extent of his ability and to the utmost of his power. It would be a bad recommendation to him for any other district if he had given up all attention to this one, on the ground that he no longer needed their votes. He was very much indebted to Mr Lance and hie brother for the information they had supplied to him on local matters in which his knowledge was defective, and he should feel very thankful to any of hia constituents who would be so kind as to write to him in the same manner on any public or local question. Mr R. Fraser briefly moved—“ That this meeting thanks Mr Saunders for his address and past services, and takes this opportunity to express its confidence in him as the representative of the Cheviot district in Parliament.”

Mr J. D. Lance seconded the motion,which was carried amid applause.