NEWS BY THE MAIL.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 2127, 17 December 1880, Page 3

NEWS BY THE MAIL.

COLONIAL NOTES. [From the " Home News."] The Boyal Commissioners on Imperial Defences oontinue their labors, but there is little hope that they will soon be terminated. Some say that two or three years must still elapse before they will be able to publish a report. Meanwhile, they are taking voluminous evidence, and will probably give the Government the benefit of their advice in a confidential document next spring. Nothing has actually transpired as to the line whioh the inquiry has so far taken, but it is supposed to bear principally upon the adjustment of the burthen of defensive measures. As to the necessity for suoh measures, that was a foregone conclusion from the first. The dangers whioh the Empire would run in the event of hostilities with one or more Groat European Powers are too obvious, and have been to often reiterated to need fresh arguments to support them. The long lines of communications between the colonies and the Mother country are vulnerable almost everywhere, and even with fleets four or five times more numerous than our present navy it would be most difficult to proteot trade. How muoh more would it suffer if the present want of proper precautions and the utter absenco of preparedness are allowed to continue ! But, granted the necessity and the existing lack of defences, who shall decide on what we should have, and how it should be paid for ? Almost the only war which would be really dangerous would be European, and would therefore grow out of our own polit ios; the exception being a war with the United States, in which, of course, Canada would be closely concerned. England, again, would be far the most disastrously affeoted by blows struok at her commerce and her prestige. She might even be invested, and when thus cut off from colonial supplies be starved into humiliating submission. It is quite clear that the chief onus of taking due defensive measures must fall upon the mother country. As to what should be the nature ef thes" defensive measures most experts are agreed. The maintenance of our naval supremacy at all risks and all costs is naturally the first, and to secure if possible this important end the grumbling taxpayer would perhaps consent to a marked increase in the navy estimates. To the same end will conduce the principle of constructing the great steamers of our numerous ocean lines in suoh a manner that they can easily be converted into ships of war. But there are other Imperial duties, many of them of extreme urgency, and until these are properly and adequately performed, it would be ridiculous to call upon any colony to encounter the outlay neeied to carry out its own particular share. The mother country in these matters should certainly ohow the way. The first construction of coaling stations at strategical points along the lines of communication is one of the duties of the home Government. When onoe established, they might perhaps be left to local management, both as to their being kept constantly supplied and properly protected and held. Until these are in existence, our vast mercantile navy, our numerous men of war even, could not be certain of keeping the seas ' for many weeks after the declaration of war. The first would fall an easy prey to the enemy, the latter would be compelled to return periodically from their cruising any , distance, in order to replenish at home. , For coal, it must be remembered, is contraband of war. Belligerents cannot j take in coals in neutral ports any more than they can powder, torpedoes, or shot. Another crying want, the provision of which is clearly •n Imperial duty, is a dock for large ships of ' war at the antipodes. The project has been discussed again and again, but it has not got. beyond that stage. No doubt it would entail expense, but not more than the loss of an ironclad or two, which may yet be the consequences of further neglect. Nothing would be easier than to transfer the stuff, plant, and : machinery bodily from one of our home dockyards to Sydney or some other antipodean port. When steps have been taken to remedy these glaring dofeots, it will be time to impress upon the colonies the necessity for taking their share in the general soheme of defence. To arrive at an accurate estimate of what this should be will probably be found extremely difficult; but reasons of justice would seem to limit naturally to the relative importance of each colony, and the dangers to whioh they would be exposed. Another difficult point will be to enforce the observance of the rule laid down. How are colonies to be made to meot their obligations in this respect ? The formation of some Imperial Court or Senato, composed of a number of representatives from eaoh community might tend to accomplish this. The dictates of such a tribunal ought to be more or less binding upon all who were represented on it, and the penalties of non-observance might be exclusion from the ssheme of defensive federation. But these are serious difficulties, whioh will need something more than the recommendations of a Boyal Commission before they are effectively removed. All that we can fairly ask the Colonies at present is to make themselves safe against sudden attack. The erection of forts at vital points, ond the organisation of an efficient and adequate militia force are works whioh every colony should undertake according to its means. Where dangers of an unusually threatening kind exist upon our colonial frontier, as at the Cape of Good Hope, the colony itself may not be equal to meet its liabilities singlehanded. But it is not to meet the exigencies of colonial and comparatively small wars that the present question has been brought under discussion. The defences needed would be against external foes —a more remote, but more easily encountered trouble.

It is a satistactory sign of the credit in which the governments of our colonies are held in this oountry that tbe last two applications for more money should have been so liberally responded to. The Government of the Cape of Good Hope and the West Indian authorities have both been in the market inviting tenders for debentures, and in both instance the amount aoked far has been much more than offered. It will take a good deal to destroy the faith of the average English investor in the Governments of our colonies and dependencies. In spite of the fact that it was shaken in regard to New Zealand, applications from tho municipalities of that colony have been well responded to even of late. The last application of the New Zealand Government was made under (for it) most favorable circumstances, seeiog that it had the co- operation and backing of the Bank of England, and there is practical force in the vague idea that tbe mother country would not allow any of its dependencies to go into default. It begins, however, to be felt that it would not be Bafe to place too implicit reliance on this last consideration, and that the only security for our colonies lies in keeping themselves very strictly from any approach to insolvency. It is remembered with satisfaction that the Government of New Zealand has undertaken to intermit further borrowisg for a long time to ccme, and the improvement that has lately take place ia the colony's finances has had a good effect upon opinion here. It is believed there ia a growing desire to be more independent of State aid than formerly, which is a healthy symp- ' torn, and, if permanent, bodes well for the future. Now Zealand has run the risk of forfeiting the good opinion of investors ; but she has drawn up in time, and if she continue in the course on which eho ha* lately entered she will easily recover any ground she may have lost. The Agricultural Hall at Islington has been made good use of this winter. Not long ago it was tbe scene of an exhibition of international food products; now it is devoted to a dairy show. Tho idea wss to encourage the production of milk, butter and cheese, and to show that in these articles at least we need not be dependent upon external supply as we are for meat and flour. The eubjeot assumed greater importance because just now the difficulties of obtaining pure milk appear' to have .greatly increased. Death in the milk-can

stalks rampant on every side, and ourcarelessnee» in dairy sanitation is more than ever apparent. Ab regards health, this is extremely serious, but it is worse as a matter of trade. Our dairy farms do not produoo a tenth part of what they did. Cheddars and Cheshire oheeses are being driven out of the field by American imitations which cannot be distinguished from the real article. We make no effort to hold our own in other branohes of production. In the ono article of eggs we are nearly entirely in the hands of foreign markets, and while thousands might easily establish poultry farms on a small soale, and do a pood business in eggs, we leave the whole profits to outsiders. It is still worse with butters. French butter io_ everywhere in oonstant demand. No English (except, perhaps, the butter of the Channel Islands) can hold its own against that of Normandy or Brittany. This lack of enterprise is very deplorable, and it ought speedily to come to an end. But while it lastß there is a fine opening for outsiders to supply us. As regards eggs and milk the Australian colonies may be too romote, but surely not for ohocses ? Once more we he hear of the threatened interference with our farmers in another important line of supply. It had long been considered that ob regards wheat we could always hold our own. That American corngrowers could put the gmin upon our market at a lower rate than English farmers seemed probable, but the safeguard for the latter was supposed to be in the superiority of their wheat. At any rate, being upon the spot they could easily beat the outsider in the matter of Hour. Yet nothing is more marked than the recent increase in the American exportation of flour. American millers are evidently resolved upon pushing the flour trade with England. !jk} e J are ordering new and improved raobinery, feeling the advantage which it opens up to them. They have the raw material close at hand, and in practically unlimited quantities. They are well supplied with the best and cheapest kind of locomotion, whilst the transmission of flour its more profitable than that of wheat. Weight for weight it is more valuable, and hence tho cost of placing it upon the English market will be considerably less. Were it net that English capital will to some extent benefit by the development of this flour trade, we might have some cause for alarm. A portion of it is likely to pass over certain of our Canadian lines of railway. These, especially the Grand Trunk, have paid no dividend for years until now. The prospects of the line are really improving, and with them, other Canadian stock will probably go up. If our farmers suffer personally there will be some set-off in the fact that shareholders in Canadian railways will bo paid some dividends at last. The Postmaster-General here has led the way in initiating a plan which may be expected to have very good results, both economically and socially. It has long been a puzzle why investments in Government stocks should virtually bo confined to those who are well to do ; so that the provident and industrious of the poorer classes have no opportunity of becoming fundholders. It is different in Prance, where tho Government rentes are held by the population generally, which is one great reason for the very conservative disposition of the French bourgeoisie and.the working classes in the country districts. The introduction of a similar state of things into Great Britain would be attended with beneficent recults, even from a politioal point of view, as it would interest a very large number of the population in the stability and security of the State. The experiment now being tried by the Postmaster-General (Sir Fawoett) will therefore be watohed, and its effects observed with keen interest. It will now be passible to buy Consols and New and Reduced Three per Cents, in sums of £lO and upwards ; and the charge made for the purchase—as also for the sale—is to be so slight that the working classes generally may be expected to take advantage of the opportunity. The systom will be worked through tho Savings Banks—both the old Trustee S ivings Banks and the more recently established Post Office ones. Any man having £lO may take it to the Post Office, and, on payment of ninepenoc, get in exchange a certificate that he is the owner of so much Government stock, bought for him at the market price of the day. Tho same party must not purchase more than £IOO in any single year through the Savings Bank, nor havo more than £3OO in all in his name at any one time, and the charge for the purohase or sale of the highest amount of Government Btock named will only be 3s 43, which is certainly moderate enough. The Savings Banks, while thus facilitating the investment of small sums in consols, will continue, of course, to be banks of deposit as before; and they will dovetail the two functions of deposit and investment, so that any depositor of £SO or upwards may have the depooit invested in Government stock at any time on due application. The success of the experiment is assured beforehand, and it is likely to prove both profitable to the State and advantageous to the provident among the poorer classes of the population.