MR C. C. BOWEN, M.H.R., AT KAIAPOI.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 2078, 21 October 1880, Page 3

MR C. C. BOWEN, M.H.R., AT KAIAPOI.

Mr O. O. Bowen, M.H.B. for Koiapoi, addressed hia constituents at the Oddfellows’ Hall last Wednesday night. There was a fair attendance.

TTi» Worship the Mayor, Mr Black wel took the chair, and in opening the proceed ings said it was with great pleasure he had acceded to the request made to him to take the chair on that occasion. He knew the great good done by their member, Mr Bowen, for the district he represented, and thus it was that he had taken the chair with great pleasure. He would now introduce Mr Bowen to those present. [Cheers ] Mr Bowen, who was warmly received, began his address by remarking that the circumstances under which he had asked his constituents to meet him that evening were very different from those which existed on several other occasions when he had addressed the electors of Kaiapoi. On almost every other occasion there had been some stirring question of public interest before the country, and everyone had to take a side one wajr or the other, and give his voice for or against some particular question which was recognised as being of particular importance at the time. At the present time bo might say that throughout the country, and in Parliament, party feeling was asleep. He did not say party feeling is dead, but that there was no active party feeling at work, and there was no great and important question at present before the country which paused men to take sides actively opposed to each other. The one great question having weight in the minds of all, both those in private life as well as those occupying public positions, was that -of financial economy, and that was not a question which, at any rate at present, was calculated to create anything like violent party feeling. How, in speaking of party, he would have them to understand what he actually meant when using the word. He had often before expressed the opinion that there could be no such thing as party government in a young colony like this, that is, in the sense in which the term was used in the Old Country, and he thought that our experience during the' 1 last year had fully borne out what ha had said to them here on the subject—that, in fact, political parties in a young country like this were merely ephemeral combinations of men, who had been attracted to each other and were disassociated again more on personal grounds than for other reasons. There could be no such decided political combinations as in England, for instance, where parties were the outcome of the history of centuries. There party feeling was almost hereditary; parties grew out of the national history, and could not exist, except in a country which, like England, had old traditions to fall back upon. Therefore, in a young colony it appeared a farce to talk about such a thing as party Government. Indeed. It was worse than farcical, because it led to misconception in the minds of men, who were thereby induced to act in certain directions and do things which they would not otherwise do, under the belief that they were carrying out the objects of a -system of government which in reality does not exist. Ho doubt a very considerable amount of feeling prevailed in the House of Bepresentatives on both sides, the sides being taken on different questions then existing. If, however, you ask men On either side what their individual opinions were as to a crucial question, you will invariably find soma on one side and some on the other, though they outwardly appeared to join, and holding widely different views of the subject. Such being the case, it was hard to believe that we could carry on a system of responsible government on snob party lines as they do in England. As time went on, the Governments in these, colonies were becoming more and more like Committees of the Honse, and personal considerations appeared [to have the greatest weight in the House in determining who the particnlar men should be to constitute successive Governments. He moat confess himself that under present circumstances, the system appeared to be as good a one as any they could discover. We were now in a transition state, having started with what we believed to be a copy of the system of the mother country, but we had not stood still, and the system of government was gradually changing. This led him to remark on the fact that they always heard complaints of the government being weak in its character, no matter what Ministry might happen to be in power at the time. They heard of the same thing in England and in the £ther colonies of Great Britain. Well, and what did that mean ? It meant simply that the Legislature would not allow the Governments no w.to hold the position they had been accustomed to hold in regard to the administration of the'country. The Legislatures insisted more and more in having a hand in the administration of the country. They were, if he might say so, encroaching on the administration of the' country, and were more|and more endeavoring to prevent Governments from taking np what was called a strong position. Whether this was for the better or not, such was the case, and we must not be too ready to blame the Governments for being what was called weak. Anyone who had been long in the Honse could not fail to see that no Government could hope to exist for a month unless they were prepared to give way to strongly expressed opinions of the members. .And it was always a question with honorable men to consider whether it were not better to sacrifice something—involving no vital principle, perhaps—in their policy, than allow a set of men whom they could not possibly approve of to come in and take their places. [Hear, hear.] Ho doubt some men would bo able to manage that with more tact than others, but they must bear in mind that there was a very distinct line between honorable tact and what might he called dishonorable scheming. [Applause.] He must confess, for himself, that he had not any very great admiration for what was called " clever management of the House,” in which there woe a good deal done that would not bear being exposed to daylight. He was a supporter of the present Government because he believed them to be thoroughly honorable men. He believed they had undertaken a task at the present time which was of the greatest moment to the country. It was a most invidious task also, beset with difficulties, and one which, when accomplished, would bring them no thanks. When a Government undertook the kind of work which the present Ministry had set before them they most necessarily very often make mistakes; but at the same time, so long as it appeared that they were honestly endeavoring to do their duty he should feel bound to support them, and he thought that would be the feeling of all men who had the interests of the country truly at cart. He might say something by-and-bye aa to what had been done during the past session of Parliament, but he wished especially to impress upon the electors that the one question before the country now was the question of financial economy, and ho proposed to show how it came to pass that this young country occupied a position wherein it was required to devote all its energies in the direction of the strictest economy. As they were all aware, this country some years ago embarked on a system of public works, and necessarily the works were carried on with borrowed money. With regard to this, in the first place he might say that he was not of those who were inclined to croak and complain of the course taken. He knew that mistakes had been made—mistakes would always occur in thebest laid schemes—but nevertheless he regarded it as a wise policy, and one by which Hew Zealand had largely gained. And he was somewhat amused, now that it came to the pinch, which they all knew must come sooner or later, to hear some of those men complain of taxation who, but for the carrying out of that very policy, would never have had any property to tax at all. [Applause » and laughter.] Let them look at the strides those public works had made in developing the resources of the country. They had, he submitted, advanced one generation in civilisation and progress owing to the railways. Therefore we should not cast sneers at the men who had inaugurated the public works policy. We had now arrived at a time of difficulty, which might have been expected, seeing that we had spent a large sum of money, the interest on .which was not forthcoming out of the public works, and when, at the same time, it had become apparent that it was inadvisable to borrow any further. We had hitherto had the advantage of paying the interest out of loan but this was a reckless system which clearly must be slopped, and the time had come when we must face our position, and watn two ends meet without trusting to the assistance of borrowed money. He did not wish to be misunderstood. In saying that they mnst for the future depend entirely upon their own resources he did not mean to say that he would never under any circumstances countenance further borrowing, A time might come when it would

bo excusable and judicious to borrow, for the prosecution of some particular work which could be shown to be reproductive 5 but he would not be prepared to rote for-a further loan to bo handed over to the Government to expend on public works and immigration, as it was called. He hoped the country would face this difficulty. The Government, no doubt, had a difficult task before them, having to meet a deficit of nearly a million, which had been left to them as a legacy by the late Government, without making any provision for the evil day. The present Ministry were thus in the unfortunate position of having to taokle tho question at both ends, so to speak—that is, they had to odd to the taxation and diminish the expenditure at the same time. No doubt they had made some mistakes, would possibly make mistakes in the future, and might have to go back on what they have done in some jinatanoes, as experience might direct, but he contended that, so long as they tried to do their duty conscientiously in this unpopular work they were deserving of and ought to receive the support of the people in doing if, By-and-bye he would revert to the administration of the railways. That was a separate question. At present he was only speaking on the general question of borrowed money, and, as he had said before, they must put out of their heads, for the present, the idea of any further _ extension of the public works, excepting such as might be carried on from the land revenue, which he thought should always bo set aside for such public works. He proceeded to remark that there were a very large number of people in the country who were prepared to acquiesce in the reasonableness of discontinuing expenditure so long as it did not affect themselves. Many of this class, for instance, would say it was quite right to amalgamate the post and telegraph offices, and do away with others, but immediately their own particular district was touched they would at once pronounce it a monstrous piece of injustice on the part of the Government, who surely could not know anything about what they were doing in attempting such a procedure. [Laughter,] They must expect to meet this kind of thing on all side_s._ But when they came to think of the position of the colony not very many years ago, the people must admit that we have many luxuries in this young country, greater perhaps than they had any reason to expect in view of what it was in past years. They had railways to their very doors, good roads, and the telegraph all over the country. It was owing to this, perhaps, that the people felt any deprivation such as that made necessary in a time of crisis. But we must pay our way. We had a million and a half of money to find for payment of interest on loans. The railways would not pay the interest on the money expended,. and we had not the prospect of a flood of borrowed money coming into the country. He hoped they would all remember this, when the balance of the last loan was expended, and no more money was coming in, because when that pinch came a body of men would arise in this country and clamor for another loan; and they will be backed in the popular cry by all the towns in the colony. There would be a great struggle on this question in the future, and be hoped that those men who studied such matters with the attention and consideration due to them, would be found supporting the men who should stand up and say they would not vote for another loan. [Applause.] Ho hoped he was not understood to say he would not support a loan for a specific purpose; on the contrary, as stated before, he approved of borrowing for work which could bo shown to pay for the outlay. Bat he should strenuously oppose the borrowing of four or five millions of money to bo expended upon non-remunerativo railways, or any other object which a Government might choose to dangle before Parliament. Coming to the late session, he remarked that it was spoiled by too much talk; there was an unlimited supply of that article, and a good deal less work. No doubt however the House and the country had awakened to the necessity of financial reform (that was one great point gained), and a certain number of useful Bills were passed. But there was a ba'porth of bread to an intolerable amount of sack, and they had to fish out the bread from a washy flood of talk. He was afraid there was likely to be more of this as time went on, notwithstanding that the House had determined on having triennial Parliaments. The tendency of members nowadays was to take up a large portion of the time of the House, to the delay of business and protraction of the session. Some of the older members gave them delicate hints occasionally to hold their tongues, but that did no good, many of the younger members looking upon it as graceful tribute to their oratorical powers. [Laughter.] The solid business thus got. neglected. It would be well if members generaUy could be be got to see that they could do more good by attending committees, and endeavoring to understand the business before the House, than by attempting to enlighten the country on it beforehand. [Applause.] But unfortunately, there was growing up a disposition to look upon useful legislation for social purposes, such as Bills having for their object the amelioration of the condition of the people—as comparatively inferior work, which ought to be set aside at once to make room for some- great political question, which consists, probably, in the abuse of this or that member and the defence of another, or when “ who is next to come into power ?” comes on the tapis. [The Bills that were passed last session were not very much discussed ; they were rushed through at last after everything in heaven and earth had been talked about by members night after night. Fortunately some of them were good Bills, and had received attention elsewhere. Here he felt bound to mention that the Legislative Council, though they committed serious faults sometimes, at any rate last session paid more attention to the details of their measures than the House which ought to have carefully considered them. There were two Bills which were not passed, bat were discussed a good deal, and which he was very sorry were not put on the statute book last session. One was the Licensing Bill, and the other the Hospital and Charitable Aid Bill. The first mentioned was on the whole the best Licensing Bill submitted to the House for many years. This was the verdict by men from all parts of the country interested in the subject, and the Bill would no doubt have been of great advantage to the country. Tbe other Bill, namely, that dealing with the question of Charitable Aid, was a most important measure—one without which, as be might say, they could not set their house in order so far as that subject was concerned ; but for some reason this BUI was also shelved. Another Bill which the Government brought forward was considered a good deal, and eventually dropped, but he could not say ho approved of it. Ho referred to the Native Land Bill. He should not have seen his way clear to support the Bill, inasmuch as it adopted a system of dealing with the Natives and the Europeans in the North Island in reference to the land question, which he thought would have resulted in stopping the settlement in that part of the country, and thus prevented the establishment and progress of industries, the prosecution of which wonld help us to pay our public debt. They, of course, knew that the system of pre-emption was given up some year* ago, that being, to bis mind, the first fatal step in dealing with the Native land question, because had the Natives retained the right of pre-emption the North Island would have been free from the operations of the land sharks who had done so much to complicate the relations between the_ races. The Natives would have been then anxious to sell to the Government, who would in turn have been in a position to dispose of the land for settlement by the Europeans, and the Government wonld in duo course have taken care that the Natives should have a certain amount of inalienable land reserved to keep them in comparative prosperity and wealth. But, as he had stated, the system which would have worked so satisfactorily was abandoned. He then proceeded to show what complications had arisen, owing to the European speculators trafficking In Native lands, so that it interfered with the Govern • ment negociations. Last year it came out that a large sum of money had to be paid on account of negociations entered into by the Government with the Natives, and a good deal of the land was, it appeared, useless. The House said the Government must get rid of these purchases, and that no more money should be voted to be spent on Native land — as a good deal had already been wasted. The Government then brought in a Bill, which was a sort of betwixt and between measure providing that the Natives should sell their land only through the Waste Lands Boards. The whole of the Native race and the Maori representatives in Parliament were opposed to this, very naturally. Suoh a law, following upon what had been the custom all along, wonld operate most unjustly. No European wonld stand being

thue dealt with, and it was scarcely fair to make the Maori submit to it. Moreover, it would have tended to discourage speculation, whilst attempting to put a stop to the operations of land sharks. With regard to the Patatere block, a cry was raised against the Government that Jthey were throwing it into the hands of the land sharks. Well, the Go vernmont were under instructions to get rid of this purchase, but they found themselves hampered by half-made bargains in which certain Europeans were concerned, so a proclamation was issued- preventing the private individuals from proceeding, the object ieing to getlthe Government money back again, and on offer was made by the Hon. Mr Bryce (who went carefully into the whole matter) that if these same individuals would pay to the Government the money spent on the land, the proclamation would be taken off the land. A great outcry was raised against the Government during last session, Sir George Grey bitterly attacking Mr Bryce, and accusing him of playing into the hands of the land sharks. However, Mr Bryce’s explanation was received by the majority of the House as satisfactory and straightforward. [Hear, hear.] Personally, he hoped the land would be thrown open to the public, seeing, of course, that proper reserves were made for the Natives, because the sooner it came into the hands of private individuals the sooner it would be cut up and distributed on the natural law of supply and demand, and this would be infinitely better for the country. Another Bill of great importance was introduced and not carried further—namely, the re-adjustment of representation—and he thought the Government were wise in not pushing it any further seeing that they had by its introduction kept faith with their promise—inasmuch as a change in the duration of Parliaments for the future was to take place. Another question involved in that of finance, and a very serious one, was that of railway management. It was essential that the management of the railways should be satisfactory, so far as the finances were concerned, and the development of the resources of the country was also involved in this important question. He was bound to say in this connection that the management of the railways had been anything bat satisfactory— [Hear, hear], —and attributed a good deal of the necessary mismanagement to the arrangements made by the late Government, whereby the management was divided between the North and South Islands, and by putting the head quarters of one department at Auckland and the other at Dunedin. Thus the control of the railway system generally was taken to a large extent out of the hands of the Ministers, who were directly responsible to the people. The present Government had taken the right course in determining that the control of the railways should be under their own eyes. It was quite possible that they might have to witness a | good many attempts before the system was perfected, or at least set right, as a great deal of difficulty always arose in the management of railways by a Government, because political influence was brought to bear from all parts of the country, and this must necessarily prevent the Government taking a purely commercial view of the matter, such as a Railway’ Company would for example. He could show them how this influence worked, not because the Government were desirous of leaning to one part of the country more than another, but simply because the railway was administered by a Government. For instance, very often private companies in England made arrangements to facilitate a particular line of traffic which might spring up at any particular time, by which means they pocketed a good dividend for the shareholders very likely. But wore a Government to do such a thing an outcry would at once be raised that they were guilty of a job to enrich themselves or a particular class of men. Thus they have to work by a fixed rule if they wish to escape getting into all sorts of difficult positions and annoyances. Different suggestions had been made as to the dealing with the matter. One was to sell the railways. This he hoped would not be agreed to. They would certainly be sacrificed, because no one would pay such a price as would cover what they would be worth to the country by and bye. Then it had been proposed that they should be leased. But in that case it was feared that a company or companies which could take over all the railway system of this country would bo such a powerful political agency that it would be dangerous to the State. Their influence on the Legislature with such an army of employes at their disposal would be something tremendous, as well as the patronage and power they would have at their disposal in many ways. Another scheme—and one somewhat taking at first sight—was to place the man-, agement of the railways in the hands of an independent Board of business men, who should thoroughly understand the matter. But they had first to find the independent Board. It would of course be either so or the reverse. If iit were not independent, it would be a curse to the country, and if it were independent, it would at once become unpopular and got its conge, 'lt was a very difficult question to settle, and one which would not be disposed of satisfactorily for a long time. In the meanwhile, they might hope for a better state of things than had prevailed for a considerable time past. He would in this connection mention a little local matter as bearing upon the administration of the railway system. They knew that when the local station was first built a complaint was made os to the inconvenience of the site. Well, he had the personal promise of three successive Ministers that this should be altered, and it was not altered to the present day. He bad been promised by the present Minister in the presence of their Mayor, which that gentleman would no doubt recollect.

The Chairman—l recollect distinctly.

Mr Bowen —He also showed him a memorandum of the matter in writing, which he read in the House, and instructions were actually given that the work should be done; yet nothing further 'could be beard of it. He (Mr Bowen) should take particular care to ascertain how these instructions had miscarried. At any rate it showed very plainly that the system was a most improper one, which could admit of orders being repeatedly given by the Commander-in-chief, and not being attended to, or at least put off till the Greek kalends. The subject of increased taxation was one which it was scarcely to be expected would be a very popular one, but there was one thing which they would be glad to hear, and that was that ho had received information recently from Wellington that the revenue as a whole was keeping well up to the estimate for the year. The customs revenue had indeed exceeded the estimate formed of it up to now, which was exceedingly satisfactory to the country at large. The railway revenue had not kept up to what it was expected it would be, which was not quite so satisfactory. However, as a whole, the revenue had kept up to the estimate which had been formed. The property tax had been condemned by some, but he believed it was a necessary one, and one which they would have to bear until the railways were made to pay more than they now did towards the interest on the cost of their construction—that meant until they had a larger population. They had no doubt heard of the scheme of the Government for doing away with the subsidies now paid, and substituting therefor a system of local finance. He (Mr Bowen) did not like it much. It was, ho thought, calculated to create confusion, without adding much to their resources, and beyond all it ersated that terrible system of double accounts. The only system which be said should be introduced was one by which the Government should manage to carry on all public affairs by the imposition of indirect taxation, such as stamps, &0., the land revenue being devoted to the prosecution of public works. The Government should not give any assistance to local bodies but leave them to do all the direct taxation. Thus they would not then require to have double accounts. The General Government should give up all direct taxation to the local bodies and leave them to raise it as they thought fit. He believed that the people would pay taxation far better and with more cheerfulness when it was raised by local bodies and expended locally. [Hoar, hear,] He was, therefore, of opinion that, as the subsidies werejjno doubt gone entirely, the power of direct taxation should be loft entirely by the General Government in the hands of local bodies. The beer tax had been spoken of, and he thought it was as it now stood a fair tax, but he thought the Government proposed at first to put too heavy a tax all at once on a local industry. [Cheers.] They proposed to put fid per gallon and he thought that was too high. liqt them look at the matter and they would see that the proposition of the Government was to tax the , industry one-fifth of the selling value of the product. That was what it meant, and the result would be that as in Epgland a great ; political power would bo put into the hands ; of Hie great brewing firms. It would also

have tended to crush out the smaller brewers, and he would tell them how. The tax must be paid down in cash, and while the larger brewers could afford to give the same credit to their customers after the tax had to be paid as before, the smaller ones could not do so because there would be a large amount of cash to be paid. Therefore the business would be swept up by the larger brewers. [Cheers.] He thought, therefore, that Sd per gallon was quite sufficient to put upon one industry. It could, of course, be advanced afterwards if it were found necessary, after a trial had_ been made of the tax as now fixed, but he did not think it wise to oome down suddenly with an excessive tax on any one industry. [Hear, hear.] They had heard a very great deal about the Boyal Commissions which had been appointed prior to the session, and the Government had had to undergo a deal of criticism upon them, but he believed this was one of the wisest steps the Government had taken, and it was in conformity with the system obtaining in the old country, in order to enable the Government to get evidence on any change which it might be thought desirable to introduce. Let them just take a review of the Commissions which had been appointed, and sac what had been the result of their labors. The first one to which he would refer was the Commission which had been appointed to inquire Into matters connected with the

Natives on the West Coast of the North Island. It was admitt d on all sides that no more valuable report than the one presented by that Commission had ever been laid before the House. They took their evidence and prosecuted their inquiries on the spot, which no Government, however zealous or able, could have done. The Government, he contended, bad also shown great wisdom in the appointment of that Commission, consisting as it did, of Sir S'. D. Bell and Sir William Fox, men of great experience in Native affairs, and he said that the result of their inquiries showed that the Government were right in what they had done. With regard to the Native policy of the Government, they were now acting on the recommendations of the Commission, and were pursuing one steady and consistent course of action —a policy which was sure to have a good effect on the Native mind. The great difficulty in dealing with the Native question had been this, that they had never stuck to any one lino of policy. Every Ministry that came in brought forward a now one, so that the Native mind was constantly unhinged, and they did not believe in ns. He considered that Mr Bryce was entitled to the highest possible praise for the firm and consistent policy he had pursued towards the Natives. He had told them that every claim having a shadow of a title on the confiscated lands should be enquired into and adjusted, but that they could not be allowed to interfere with the settlement of the country. This policy had been carried out consistently by the Native Minister, though he had been jeered at by some, and the effect was that it was beginning to toll on the Native mind. Ho (Mr Bowen) did not say that the Native policy of the present Government was better than any possibleother, but he said this, that the steady persistence in one consistent line of policy, which had hitherto been wanting in their dealing with this question, must have in time an excellent effect upon the Native mind. [Hear, hear.] Well, next let them take the Bailway Commission. He thought the exposure which had been made of political railways, which had hitherto been carried on at great expense to the country; railways which would never pay in three centuries, had put a stop to this state of things, and therefore had done great good to the country. [Cheers.] He said that the Commission had done good, because it had, like the Native Lands Commission, taken evidence and prosecuted enquiries on the spot, which it was, as he had said, impossible for any Government, however able, to do. Then there was the Civil Service Commission. This Commission had to do some very disagreeable work, and without saying that they were absolutely right in everything they did, he yet said that they had endeavored to search out the truth, and in so doing had put a finger on many blots, and enabled the Government to search out many abuses. Thus, he contended, that this Commission ‘ had done much good to the country at large. The Commission appointed to consider the subject of Native industries had also done good work, inasmuch as their labors had caused the Government to consider how many disadvantages and disabilities could be removed from local industries of various kinds. The Exhibition held here some short time since had also opened the eyes of the people to the great strides and solid advancement made amongst us by local productions of all description. He hoped that the report of the Commission, and the information elicited by them in the course of their enquiries, would load to the withdrawal of the trammels which now fettered the growth and progress of these industries. [Cheers.] He could not leave this subject without congratulating them on the growth and rapid development of the woollen manufactory in Kaiapoi, which had drawn attention to it in other parts of the colony—[Cheers]—and he believed, when the additions and improvements which were projected had been completed, it would be second to no other industry in New Zealand. '[Cheers.] There was another Commission which had been appointed since the House rose—or rather, just at its rising—a Commission which was of considerable interest to every one. That was a Commission to inquire into and report what reforms could be made in legal procedure. [Hear, hear.] They knew that legal procedure was dilatory, expensive, and vexatious, and therefore he thought they would agree with him in thinking that the Government wore quite right in endeavoring to procure evidence and information, with a view to further legislation on the subject. [Hear.hear.] There was one other subject upon which he desired to say a word or two, and that was education. In the course of the discussions which had taken place as to reductions and retrenchment an outcry had been raised as to the expenditure which had taken place with respect to education. No doubt there had been extravagance in some parts, but he said that they should not visit this on the system as a whole. [Cheers.] The system of public education which was doing so much good around them had but just taken root, and was of infinite benefit to the public. He for one did not think that the public would be in favor of starving _ the system of education by way of reduction. [Hear, hear.] He himself must say that he was in favor of the old Canterbury system of rating, by which parents were compelled to pay a small rate whether they sent their children to school or not. This made them look after the education of their children, because they had to pay something however small for it, and it would prevent the cry-out as to the expenditure. He was opposed to fees being charged, which was a totally different thing to a rate, becauseTf they imposed a fee it would lead people to economise by keeping their children away from the schools, and thus saving the money they would otherwise have to pay. It was the people who did not sufficiently appreciate the blessings of education that they wanted to get at, because it was imperative for the good of the State that all should be educated, or, as Disraeli put it, “ we must take care to educate our masters.” Ho was quite ready to assist to pare down and economise in the matter of education within reasonable bounds, but he would never consent to anything which would cripple or impair the efficiency of the national system of education. [Cheers.] As he had said at the beginning of his address that evening, there was now, politically speaking, nothing at all to fight about —it was simply a question of paying their way,— and he hoped the electors would support him in giving his vote in favor of men who, he believed, were honestly and faithfully endeavouring to put this country into a sound and satisfactory position. Let them face their difficulties like men, and accept the sacrifices which must be made now, determining not to listen to those who recklessly wished them to go in for a hair [of the dog which had bit thorn. If they determined that they |would see their way clear to pay the interest on what they had before they went in for more, Choir credit on the London money market would rise higher than before. They would see their material prosperity increase in a greater ratio, because it would be founded on a solid basis, and they would see capital coming out here for investment, not to be wasted by the Government, but to be invested by private capitalists wherever they saw a fair return. This, he took it, would be far more

satisfactory than a loose expenditure on public works, [Hear, hear.] No one could say what the future policy would he, but no one who had watched the course of events could believe that they could go on without weakness in a system of government which was not suited to their wants. But, like Englishmen, they would go on making their system fit them by degrees—not being intro-

duoed by sudden starts. But, above all things, they must see that those entrusted with the conduct of pnblio affairs should be men trusted in private life. [Cheers.] He did not care muoh what men said on the question of party politics of the day, _he bad seen so many changes in this direction, but he again repeated that he did care to see that the men who were entrusted by the people with the conduct of public affairs and the government of the colony were those trusted in private life. This done he had not muoh fear for the future of the colony. But ho did fear when, like he saw in other colonies and here, adventurers and men who had no stake in the colony taking the Government in their hands, when it was well known that these men would not be entrusted by the electors who returned them with the conduct of their private affairs. [Hear, hear.] This was a point which he desired most particularly to impress upon them as being exceedingly important, the more so as they were about to reconsider their representation. If this were borne in mind and acted upon there need be no fear whatever for the future welfare of the colony. He desired to thank them for the patience and attention with which they had listened to him whilst talking to them on a very dry subject. He should continue in the future as he had done in the past—to place his best services as their representative at their disposal, and trusted that he should always be found worthy of that confidenoo which he had endeavored to merit. [Cheers.] If there was any subject he had referred to in the course of bis address upon which he had not been sufficiently explicit he should be happy to answer any questions which might bo put to him. [Cheers.] The Mayor said that any elector who might desire to ask a question might do so now. Mr Woodford urged upon Mr Bowen the necessity of watching very jealously over the interests of the Northern residents with regard to the Fisheries Bill. He was now prevented, by a society of gentlemen in the city, from going down the river to look for a kawhai without a license. This was what he called an interference with the liberty of the subject. Therefore he should like to hear Mr Bowen's opinion as to the Fisheries Bill, so that their beautiful river might not bo turned into a fishing lake for a few gentlemen from Christchurch.

Mr Bowen said that the question spoken of by Mr Woodford had solved itself by the Bill not going on. As regarded the general question, all restrictions must be imposed by the general wish of all. For instance, if a particular bird or fish were introduced it _ might be necessary to have restrictions, but this must apply equally to all. When he heard of this question he felt that it would be an injustice for any anglers to prevent the local fishermen fishing whilst they themselves had the privilege. But he had been told that it was only the wish of the society to preserve and acclimatise the salmon in the waters of the river. Ho should, however, take care to make himself acquainted with the wishes of the people on the subject of any Bill which might be introduced. [Cheers.] Ho other questions being asked Mr Woodford said that he felt sure everyone present was pleased to hear the speech of Mr Bowen that evening, and he begged to move—“ That a hearty vote of thanks be accorded to Mr Bowen for the able address delivered that evening, and that the meeting express their entire confidence in him as their representative.” Mr H. Finnis seconded the motion, which was carried with but one or two dissentients. Mr Bowen said he had to thank them for the vote of confidence, and ho felt sure they would meet after the next session as good friends as they were that night. [Cheers.] He begged to move a vote of thanks to the Mayor for bis kindness in presiding on that evening. The vote was carried by acclamation, and the proceedings terminated.