THE GLOBE. MONDAY, JULY 26, 1880.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 2003, 26 July 1880, Page 2

THE GLOBE. MONDAY, JULY 26, 1880.

Affairs in South Eastern Europe are developing towards a crisis, which is sure to produce results of an important character, unless indeed, which seems almost improbable, Turkey, gaining wisdom from experience, retreats from the position she has of late been assuming. The well studied map of Turkey in Europe will have to unrolled afresh and the complications will be studied with an interest that has not been felt since the Treaty of Berlin settled, it was thought once for all, the vexed Eastern question. There are two points which form the burning questions of the present position. First there is the Montenegrin and next the Greco-Turkish frontier question. With regard to the latter, the Treaty of Borlin was, unfortunately, not very explicit. It was left to future arrangement, instead of a frontier line being definitely drawn out and agreed upon. The consequence, as might have been looked for, has been that Turkey is by no means satisfied with what has been decidod on by the Conference. The Porto is preparing for war, and, with the apparent intention of defying the Great Powers, has despatched largo numbers of troops to the Dardanelles, where the fortifications are boing strengthened. Greece, on hor part, is girding up her loins, notwithstanding tho

advice of the Powers that she should quietly await the course of events. A French Military Commission has been appointed to undertake the reorganisation of the Greek army, and its members have proceeded to Athens to commence their duties. The Greok Government has signified its acceptance of the decision of the Berlin Conference as to the territory to be ceded to her for the rectification of her frontier, and the fleets of two of the Great Powers, at all events, are ready to make a demonstration in favor of Greoco should occasion require. With regard to the Montenegrin question, the Porte, as usual, shelters itself behind its own infirmities. In reply to the collective note from Berlin the Sultan proposed that the execution of the Treaty of Berlin, so far as it relates to Montenegro, should bo delayed until the agitation that exists in Albania against the requited cession has subsided. But so little power has it over its turbulent subjects that we hear rumours that the Albanians are meditating a strike for autonomy. Indeed, the suggestion of the Porto is nullified as to its value by the fact that it has altogether repudiated the power of the Conference to act in the matter at all, and has stated that the latter had only a right to meditate, but had no right to settle what course Turkey should pursue in the settlement of its difficulties. Taking all those facts into consideration, it will be at once apparent that the materials for an explosion are ready to hand, and that the united action of the Great Powers can alone avert a disaster. Turkey is reported as relying on its ancient enemy, Russia, to back it up in its revolt against European opinion, but it is probable that, if indeed it has accepted this as a probable factor in its calculations, it will bo woefully disappointed. Russia has its hands at present pretty full, and with the Kuldja difficulty before it and its internal troubles, is little likely to brave tho other Great Powers, having as an ally only tho effete Tnrkish Government. Meanwhile hostilities have absolutely broken out between the Albanians and Montenegrins, the ambassador of tho latter Power has been withdi'awn from Constantinople, and a further naval demonstration by the Great Powers in favor of the little principality has been agreed upon. The Sultan is evidently at the present moment lying on anything but a bed of roses. He has taken into his service German officials to rectify his finances, and yet he is preparing for a hopeless struggle, which may well be expected to put a finishing stroke to the Moslem power in Europe. Among the most remarkable features in the present situation is the prominent position taken up by Franco in the settlement of the question. She appears to have quitted the role she took up at the time of the Berlin Conference, which was one of a dispassionate adviser, and to have gone in boldly for a leading part. And there can be but little doubt but that this change of front has been occasioned by the turn of English politics. The triumph of Liberalism in England has delighted the Republican party in France. Although Frenchmen connect Lord Granville with the misfortunes of 1870, and declare that he then not only abandoned them but created the " League of the Neutrals," yet they are not oblivious to the fact that they then entered into war in direct opposition to tho wishes of England, and the Liberals in France are convinced that there are now in the British Parliament men energetic and powerful enough to prevent the Government of France becoming an object of hostility amongst those who dread its contagion. The party interprets the acceptance of office by such men as Messrs Chamberlain and Fawcett, and Sir C. Dilke, to be an accomplished fact most favorable to their cause, and are emboldened by the augury. The London " Times" pointed this out about the time that the British Cabinet was being formed. Its Paris correspondent, wrote as follows:—"It must be confessed that of late Lord Beaconsfield had been suspected of engagements with Germany, and was apathetic, or even hostile, to the settlement of the Greek question out of complaisance to Germany. Paople fancied that every concession to Greece was displeasing to Austria, and therefore to Germany, and that the resistance of the Beaconsfield Government to a causo espoused by France was a step to an understanding with Austria and Germany, and therefore indicated anti-French tendencies. Prompt concurrence by the new Cabinet in the settlement of the Greek question will, therefore, bo deemed hero a proof of goodwill to France. The same is the case as regards the real interest f olt here in the administrative and financial regeneration of Turkey—a question closely affecting so many Frenchmen." This, coupled with the fact that the rapprochement between Germany, Austria, and England has been decidedly weakened by the late course of English politics, has caused French politicians to feel no longer so isolated as was tho case when Lord Beaconsfield held the reins. They have thrown off, therefore, their attitude of calm and dispassionate reserve and have once more taken up that position in the fore front of European politics which they had given up since the disastrous time of the Franco-Prussian war. The balance of European affinities, for ever swaying one way or the othor, has, for a time at least, settled down more into tho old groove when England and France might always bo sought for sustaining and encouraging each other.