THE HON. JOHN HALL AT LEESTON.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 1947, 21 May 1880, Page 3

THE HON. JOHN HALL AT LEESTON.

The Hon. John Hall addressed the electors ' of Selwyn in the Town Hall, Leeston, last ' evening. The hall was well filled by half-past ; seven o’clock, and Mr Bluett was elected to the chair. The Chairman thanked the meeting for placing him in that position, and said their representative had come there to render an account of the proceedings of last session, and probably would give them an outline of what would be brought forward during the coming session. Ho then introduced the Premier. The Hon. John Hall said—Mr Chairman and gentlemen—l ought to apologise to you for the late period of the recess at which I address you, and also for the short notice which I have been able to give of this meeting. I had intended to ask you to meet me at an earlier date, but on that day I was unfortunately ill in bed. That is the reason why I have not come before you sooner, but I came as soon as I could possibly do so. The same circumstance unfortunately renders it impossible forme to address my constituents in other parts of this district. My time will not admit of it. I hope therefore that gentlemen resident in the localities referred to will kindly excuse my breaking a practice which it has been my custom to follow on these occasions. Before I go into general questions, there are one or two matters of local interest to which I should be glad to refer. I am deeply indebted to my constituents for the small extent to which they have asked me to advocate the local claims of the district I represent. I believe there is no constituency in New Zealand which has been so considerate, or at least more considerate, in that respect than this one. lam sorry therefore that in the one or two matters which I shall now refer to I cannot give what you may consider a satisfactory answer. My attention has often been called to the necessity of a bridge across the Rakaia, at what is called Bobbie’s Ford. It is an exceedingly desirable work, and one which would be found of great benefit to a large part of this district. I know also that it has a claim upon the colonial exchequer as great as many other public works already carried out t< But in the existing financial condition of the* colony the Government are compelled to defer many works which are admittedly desirable, and therefore I cannot ask my colleagues to appropriate money for this work. But it is possible the undertaking may be provided for if the Councils of the two counties between which the bridge is required obtain authority to lease bridge tolls for a given number of years. In that case some enterprising individual might be found to build the bridge. If that should be desired, my best efforts will be devoted to obtaining the necessary authority for the Councils. [Applause.] The next question, gentlemen, is one which very seriously affects the_ occupiers and cultivators of land in the southern parts of the district, namely, the question of the extent to which the present embankments at the south side of the Rakaia bridge are said to be endangering the protective works put up on the north bank of that river, A strong opinion is entertained that the partial embankment across the river does great mischief to the works you have erected to protect the district from encroachment. I have examined the place, and as far as I can judge, being a layman, that opinion is a correct one ; but the railway engineers having been asked to consider] the matter, give it as their opinion that this work does not interfere with the protective works on this side. I think the best that could be done for your interests was this, to induce the Government to agree that they shall appoint one engineer, that the North Rakaia Board of Conservators appoint another engineer, and that these two appoint a third to report together upon the question and say whether any wrong is being done to the district or not. lam glad to be able to say that the Minister of Public Works has agreed to the course proposed, and proceedings to that end will be taken with the least possible delay. [Hear, hear.] Wo shall then ascertain, from an independent and impartial tribunal, whether some alteration of the present work is necessary or whether it is not. And I hope, gentlemen, you will admit that under all the circumstances I have done my best for you in that respect. [Applause.] Another matter I wish to speak on is the application that has been made to me more than once to obtain the erection of a post and telegraph office in Leeston. Well, gentlemen, as I am Postmaster - General, you may think your wants in this respect should not be neglected, and I admit they should not be neglected. But again I must tell you the existing financial condition of the colony compels us to postpone the work. I am afraid that while Ministers are preaching economy all over the country, it would hardly bo considered satisfactory_ if they were to commence a work which may, for the present at any rate, very well be postponed. [Hear, hear.] And I hope you will acknowledge it is through a reasonable consideration for the shortness of the public funds that I am not able to promise that the work shall be undertaken. Now, before going into the question of general politics I must refer to one or two matters of a somewhat personal character. [Applause.] You will recollect than when I addressed you on a former occasion I endeavored to refer as little as possible to Sir George Grey. I wished to to treat that gentleman with the greatest possible consideration, for reasons which I then stated, and I would not have referred to him to him to-night if he had not thought it right to pay some attention to me. [Applause.] I will allude in the first instance to a speech by Sir George Grey at the Thames. He does not seem to have yet got over the fact of my having left the Legislative Council and entered the House of Representatives. [Laughter.] You will remember he asserted in Christchurch that that act of mine was an unjustifiable proceeding, and that the Governor ought not to have accepted my resignation. I then gave you good reasons why Sir George Grey was mistaken in what h« said. Rut he returns to the charge, and he says —“ One of the peers who thinks he can make a party in the Assembly resigns his peerage, and he sits for some rotten borough in the other House.” And in order that there should be no mistake as to whom this applied to, he further said, “ The gentleman who left the Legislative Council was the present Premier, Mr Hall. This was not the first time he had done that thing.” Perfectly true, because he helped mo to do it on a former occasion. [Laughter.] I do not think I should have referred to this if Sir George had contented himself with a reference to me personally, but he called my constituency a rotten borough. Now, what is a rotten borough ? So far as I recollect of what a rotten borough was considered in England, I believe it is a small constituency, comprising a very small number of electors, who are almost entirely dependent upon some powerful individual, and are compelled to vote as he wishes them to vote, and who generally get certain benefits in return. And he says the electors of Selwyn constitute a rotten borough. But that is not all. [Laughter.] You seem to have occupied his thoughts to a considerable extent. Ho makes a speech in Auckland, in which he says, “These gentlemen sit for somo small places that ought not to return a member at all.” Mr Milei—Too strong a district for his Reform Leojue to send a man in. [Laughter.] Mr Hall-Then he comes nearer, and speaks at Christchurch ; and there he is kind enough to refe? to me again. He says—“ The time has com* when men who are to rule their fellow me* should speak to great communities of thei- fellow men. It is no time when the Munster of a great and rising community like this should sneak away to some obscure country vilage.” Therefore, gentlemen, you are a rotter borough, you ought not to elect a member, aid you are a few small farmers in an obicure country village.

[Laughter.] Now, Sir George Grey represents the Thanes district. Comparisons, they say, art odious ; but they are very useful sometimes, nevertheless. It became my dtt/ once in the House of Representatives to throw some little light upon the electoral roll for the Thames, I then stated the facts which I shill state now, which have never been contradicted, and cannot bo contradicted. The electorairoll of the Thames at the time I speak of comprised 4446 electors, being more than the whole of the male population of the diitrict. But, of the people who were on that roll, 52 were dead, 262 were twice or the roll, 118 wore three times on the roll, 659 were absent,

400 could not bo found out by the gentleman who sent me this, and who knows the place thoroughly [laughter ] thoroughly qualified, 56 had no qualification at all, 16 Natives wore twice on the roll, 6 Native women were on the roll, and 12

Natives whose names appeared on the roll were dead. [Laughter and applause.} Now, gentlemen, I think if one of us represents a rotten borough it is not myself. [Obaers.J Then, I said the constituents composing a rotten borough expect benefits from theirpatron. It you look at the address to the electors of the Thames, you will find a column and a half devoted to a statement of what he bad obtained for the district —such as harbour works, high school, railway, and other things. That is how Sir George Grey speaks to the electors of the Thames. [Applause,] I have not found it necessary to speak to you in this way. I have told you candidly that some of your wants under more favourable circumstances should be considered, but under existing circumstances they can not be entertained. I do not think it was wise to provoke a comparison between the two constituencies, .But I have not done with the Christchurch speech yet. It is there said that you are a few farmers in an obscure country village. The truth is this, that is a way he has of dealing with anybody who crosses his path at all, and you have so far done this as to have elected a man to represent you who has been instrumental in turning him out of office. That is why he speaks of you in that contemptuous manner. His tune would have been widely different had you elected a supporter of his own. [Laughter and applause.] This would then have been the finest district in the whole of New Zealand—you, gentlemen, would have been the most enlightened and intelligent body of electors he had ever met with—and Leeston, instead of being an obscure country village, would have been a great centre of political intelligence, from which benefits without number would have flowed throughout the rest of Now Zealand. He would not even stop there, gentlemen. The interest which he would have taken in your children would have been perfectly marvellous. He would state that he never had observed such interesting children before; that your sons would be elected Governors of the colony in the future, and that your daughters were the most perfect ladies he had e?er met with. [Laughter ] That is what Sir George Grey would have said if you had elected well, Mr Gammack, for instance. [Laughter.] Now, I have another point to touch touch upon before proceeding further. The speech further says that the time has come when men who are to rule men must speak to great communities of their fellow-men, and not to a few farmers in a district. Now, gentlemen, I s y this is rubbish—transparent rubbish —which may go down with a crowded meeting at the Oddfellows* Hall, where a man is liable to be ejected who does not agree with the speaker, but I don’t think you will accept it as reasonably. I think I may say, without egotism, that I speak to larger audiences than are actually here. The number of my immediate hearers is a matter of comparatively little importance. The gentlemen who are here in the capacity of reporters give publicity to my utterances, and convey what I and men in my position say to far wider audiences. Did yon ever hear that Mr Disraeli was bound to address large meetings in London, instead of addressing his constituency of Bucks, in the town of Aylesbury, or that Lord Palmerston should not address his constituents at Tiverton, or Sir Robert Peel at Tamworth ? That the autocratic cloven hoof may be seen sticking out of the heap of rubbish I have mentioned. The speaker tells us that to be rulers of men we must address large audiences. Sir George Grey’s ambition, appears to be a ruler of men. My ambition is of a different kind. I am ambitious to be a useful servant to my fellow countrymen. [Applause.] And I thank my fellow colonists that during the nearly thirty years I have spent in this part of the world, they have given mo many opportunities of serving them in many offices, from the highest to the humblest. I am content to work for them still in a modest sphere when it_ has fallen to my lot to descend from a higher position ; and you, gentlemen, know whether or not I have been able to place a few stones in the edifice of national prosperity and greatness which we hope will some day cover these islands. [Cheers.] I hope I have not harboured such an ambition in vain, and that through the confidence of my fellow citizens I shall continue to be allowed to servo them in that way, let Sir George Grey say or do what he likes. [Applause.] Now I have a few things more to say before I leave this subject. I have not alluded ! o S.r George Grey so long as he let me alone, but I am at present compelled to speak in my own defence. I am afraid I shall have to say some unpleasant words. In his speech the other evening he said: —“ The Premier of the country sent and required the authorities of that office to give up telegrams for his perusal, some of which were undoubtedly private, that he might search and find out whether any telegrams had been sent by his predecessors which might give some ground of complaint against them, and excite feelings against them in the country,” That is to say, gentlemen, that I sent to the authorities of the telegraph office, asking them to send me private telegrams of his, with the object of seeing it it were possible to raise up a feeling against him in the country. Now, gentlemen, I have to say, with regard to this assertion, and I say it deliberately, that it is nothing more nor less than a deliberate falsehood. I repeat the words, a deliberate falsehood. I will explain to you the position of this matter. Public officers are allowed the privilege of franking letters and telegrams for transmission on public business, but not of course for private purposes. Telegrams which are thus franked by them aro public property to all intents and purposes, and are, consequently, the property of the Government of the day. If they frank a telegram which is on their private business, they defraud the public obestjto the amount of the fee which they should have paid. Now, the member for Cheviot, in consequence of certain suspicions which had been expressed that the late Government had been using the telegraph for electioneering purposes, which had been distinctly declared by Parliament to be “private purposes ” —asked whether the present Government would ascertain if this was so, and would lay such telegrams before Parliament. After consideration wo agreed to do this, and sent to the authorities directing that inquiry should be made. A report was sent that there were a considerable number of such telegrams, and they were accordingly brought to me as Commissioner. I took the precaution to look through them, for the pur pose of seeing that none had been —as'far as I could see —improperly included, and finding one or two such, I put them aside, and laid the rest on the table of the House. The question was then raised whether this was a proper proceeding, and it was referred to a select committee of the House to report upon; That select committee took evidence, and reported that these telegrams wore public telegrams, and could therefore be properly produced. Now, I ask whether these being the facts, which I defy anyone to deny, is not the misstatement made by Sir George Grey in Christchurch one entirely discreditable to any public man to have made, [Applause.] We are further told that the Premier “ sneaks to an obscure country village.” I could not for the life of me for a considerable time understand what was meant by this word, that is, what difference there was between the manner in which I travelled, and that in which my predecessor travelled, to account for such a term. But it occurred to me at last. When my predecessor travelled as Premier, he did so in a Government steamer, and by special train, and made the country pay for the train. When I travel by sea, I do so as an ordinary Government passenger. When I use a special train I pay for it myself. Gentlemen, I shall continue when I come to see you to sneak down herein that way [laughter and applause], and I hope Parliament will never allow Ministers to do anything else, if to pay one’s own expenses for travelling when special trains are used can be called sneaking. [Applause.] In the course of his speech Sir George Grey further insinuated—l cannot say lees —that an address which has recently been published by the member for Riverton, in which he makes certain suggestions regarding education, was a feeler put forth by the Government. There is no particle of foundation for that insinuation. The first I knew of the address was when I road it in a newspaper. I wish that to be distinctly understood. There is no foundation whatever for the statement I have referred to, which I have no doubt, however, will be repeated over and over again; nor is there the slightest foundation for the insinuation that the Government intends to interfere with the Education Act as it now exists. Having now referred to what was in that speech, I wish to i draw your attention to one or two i remarkable omissions from it. Firstly, ; we have a statesman of high position i addressing a large assembly on the most im- ! portant political questions of the day, and ! yet making no allusion whatever to what

should seriously occupy the attention of any man in his position—namely, the very serious financial position of the colony at the present time. He said nothing on this most important question, nor on the steps which should be taken to extricate ourselves from existing difficulties. I think you will agree with me that this was a very remarkable omission. I will call your attention to another oiiiission in that speech. The speaker did not 1 think it worthwhile to explain to his so-called constituents why he about fifteen months ago sent a telegraphic- despatch to the Secretary of State asking him to send out 6000 paupers to this country. When addressing an audience of the working classes, the reason why that despatch was sent would have been an interesting piece of information, I have the despatch. It is as follows—“ New Zealand Government regrets greatly distress in Mother country. It respectfully informs Imperial Government that six thousand able bodied emigrants could at once find permanent and profitable employment in New Zealand in addition to large numbers whose passages are being paid by the colony.” That was in February last year, at the conclusion of the second bad harvest we had had, when any man of ordinary sagacity must have known that depression was near at hand, and thafc the labor market would be overstocked. Nor did the speaker explain why in the first session of 1879—when the unemployed difficulty had become a serious one, and when papers relating to immigration wore laid before Parliament, including papers of a later date than thafc I have just quoted, that particular paper was left out. It remained a secret until the present Government came into office, and laid it before Parliament. I ask you is that dealing frankly and fairly with the public ? I now turn to moi® pleasant topics. I propose to review as briefly as I can some of the proceedings of the last session of Parliament and of the recess, and then to refer to the proposals so fares I can do so, and the prospects of the coming session. Shortly after arriving in Wellington I was asked to undertake the honorable and arduous position of leader of the Opposition. I acceded to thafc request, and in due course moved a vote of want of confidence in the Government. After considerable debate, in which the objections taken by the supporters of the resolution was to the inefficient administration of the then Government, and in which the defence was not a defence of their administration, but a plea that they intended to introduce Liberal mea- ( sures—the motion was carried by a majority of two. The Government, after some hen-’, tation, tendered their resignation, and I was asked to form a now Ministry. L was able to submit to the Governor the names of gentlemen who, although several of them had not previously been members of a colonial ministry, wore nevertheless favorably known and men who are respected and trusted by all who know them. It is a rule consistent with all precedent, common fairness, and common sense, that when a neMv Government comes into office it shall bo allowed a fair opportunity of placing before the country the policy which it 'proposes to act upon. If the country does not approve of it, or does not approve the manner in which such Government conducts its business, it displaces it in the ordi- ■ nary way. But in our case that rule was entirely departed from. Before we hadtime to take our seats, and while the late Ministers still occupied the ministerial benches, they were so anxious to prevent us from- being heard at all, that Mr Macandrew —newly elected leader of the Opposition—gave notice of a want of confidence in us. This was done before we had opened our mouths as Ministers. He not only gave that notice, but persisted in it subsequently. This extraordinary proceeding drove us to the unusual expedient of taking advantage of the forms of the House to prevent the no confidence motion coming on until we had a fair opportunity of putting our policy before the country. I grant that is an unusual, and under ordinary circumstances undesirable, course to pursue, but I assert that if was entirely justified by the unprecedented manner in which we wore treated. We were determined that you should know what policy we had to propose, and we were also determined that we would find out for you what the financial position of the country really was, and what the position of • Native affairs was. All we asked was a rea- - sonable time to do these things, and we named a time after which we would entertain their vote of no confidence at once. They were infatuated enough to reject this offer, and then bungled so much that we had no difficulty in preventing their motion from coming on. In this manner a good deal of time was wasted until some of their supporters became thoroughly sickened and gave us to understand that they would be • willing to support us. This brings me to another part of the speech at Christchurch, namely, the so-called compact you have heard so much about. From the very first Sir George Grey insisted upon seeing a piece of paper to which my initials were attached. The more he insisted that this paper should be produced the more the paper did not come, [Laughter.] Possibly it might have been produced had he not insisted so much. The contents of thafc celebrated piece of paper have now been made public in one or two speeches. The gentlemen I have mentioned desired to have clearly before them our views regarding the _ redistribution of represonta ion, regarding the measures of Electoral Reform, and regarding the Education Act, and also to understand whether we were willing that an enquiry should be made as to how Auckland had fared in the distribution of funds for public works in comparison to the rest of the colony, so that if such enquiry showed thafc injustice had been done to Auckland, it should be redressed. That is substantially the account you have now hoard several times. On receiving satisfactory assurance upon those subjects, the members referred to agreed to support the Government, and their support gave us a majority of two. The Opposition then withdrew their want of confidence motion, and the business of the country proceeded. We then lost no time in bringing forward and laying on the table of the House those important measures of electoral reform about which so much talk has taken place during the last two years. What our predecessors had been speaking about for two years we laid upon the table in one week. We proposed them in six Bills, and proceeded to work with them at once during the two months remaining of the session. Wo carried a Bi 1 for securing triennial Parliaments —a Bill from which was omitted a remarkable feature contained in the Bill for that purpose prepared by the late Government, Thafc Bill provided that the system of triennial Parliaments should not commence until after the expiration of the present Parliament —that Parliaments should be quinquennial until thafc time, after which members should be elected for three years only. But we applied the same rule to the present Parliament as had been proposed for the future. Wo also passed a Bill for the extension of the franchise, giving to every man resident for a reasonable time in the colony a right to vote, and giving alio a vote to any man possessing freehold property to the amount of £2s—not two votes in the same district, but in the case of a man who had property in a district in which he did not reside, to the value of £25, he should, in virtue of that property, be entitled to exercise the franchise. That was a more liberal measure than had ever been proposed by our predecessors. But nevertheless they said it was not liberal enough. We contend, however, that it is right that to soma extent property should be represented. We got another Bill passed for the registration of electors. I have always contended that the reason why many of our settlers were not on the electoral rolls was, not because they had no qualification under the old law, but because no effectual provision was made for their being registered. This Bill provides that a man may be registered at any time of the year. Hence it any man has got a claim to be registered ho can go to the offices at which the electoral rolls arc open for inspection, and if he does not find bis name upon the roll he can have it placed there at once. I think that this will be found a greater advantage to the people than anything of the kind proposed hitherto. We introduced three other measures, namely, a Bill for the Regulation of Elections, a Bill for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption at Elections, and a Bill for dealing with Election Petitions. There was no time to pass these measures, nor for a Bill for the Redistribution of Seats, which has become necessary owing to the growth of population of the colony, in consequence of which some localities are not now fairly represented. Thafc I will deal with later on. So much with regard to measures for electoral reform. The Treasurer at once made a searching investigation into the financial condition of the colony. We had not been told that its financial position was a serious one, but in point of fact wo found it was so. Speaking of the ordinary revenue and expenditure, wa found a deficiency on

il* Ist of July last of over £100,000; but for the subsequent financial period in which we then were the revenue of .New Zealand, fairly estimated, fell short of the necessary expenditure by a sum of not less than £BOO,OOO ; that is to say nearly at the rate of £2 per head for every man, woman, and child in New Zealand. _ Now I venture to say that such a state of things has not often been revealed to the people of any country. It has been attempted by members ' of the late Government to .deny that the deficiency was so great. They said that the present Treasurer took an unnecessarily gloomy view of our position, and that in point of fact the revenue would be much larger than estimated, and the expenditure much less. But what is the fact. Wo have now at the end of the nine months for which the accounts are made up, signed, and printed, it appears that instead of the Treasurer having taken too gloomy a view of the position it was just the reverse. The deficiency is greater by £280,000 than was originally estimated by Major Atkinson. Sir George Grey, in Auckland, the other day, said the deficiency was only £BO,OOO or £90,000. I do not know whether he was correctly reported or not, for at the Thames he said the deficiency would be £500,000. It is a fact, however, that before ho went out of office deficiency bills to the extent of £400,000 had boon issued, and one of the first measures wo had to undertake was a Bill which had to be passed through all its stages at once for a further issue of £200,000 deficiency bills, without which the payments for the public services could not have gone on. So much with rega:d to the ordinary revenue and expenditure. Now with regard to the loan. You are aware that a loan of £5,000,000 was authorised to bo raised in the first session of last year. The loan had not been raised, but we found that it had been very largely anticipated by drafts drawn upon our agents in London. By every mail money had been raised in this way, to provide funds for carrying out public works. It was found that the expenditure and liabilities to be met before Christmas out of that loan amounted to over £1,000,000, and a further liability had been incurred of about another million, to.be paid before the end of June. In point of fact we had spent, or practically spent, in anticipation of that loan being raised, money to the amount of £2,000,000. We found also that liabilities had. been incurred for the purchase of Native lands to the extent of £1,100,000 or £1,200,000, and all this before sixpence of the loan had been raised. We wbro told that we were magnifying the difficulty. You will see when the papers are published that we did not magnify the difficulty at all—indeed, that it would have been difficult for S UB to do so. You understand that wo could not get on without drawing, in anticipation of the loan being raised, upon our agents in London, and wo learnt that the Bank of England had refused to advance those agents another shilling. If that was not a position of danger and difficulty, I should like to know what is. I can hardly conceive any Government taking over the finances of a country in a greater moss, or taking office under more discouraging circumstances. As to the steps which we took to deal with the position, wo might, if we hud only consulted our own ease and temporary popularity, have attempted to smooth the matter over by assuming that wo should have a large land revenue and a larger consolidated reVenue ; and wo might put this or that item of expenditure on loan. That would have been an easy but unworthy mode of dealing with the difficulties. It was not the way in which we read our duty to the colony. Having ascertained what the requirements of the colony were, we determined to attempt to place the finances of the colony on a sound and honest footing. We believed thafc this could best bo done firstly by endeavoring to reduce our expenditure, as I shall presently show you we have done. The next step was to raise such additional revenue as would fairly meet the deficiency. How did we propose to do that ? Partly by an increase on the Customs duties. This revision of the tariff exempted from duty raw materials used in colonial manufactures, with a view to encourage those manufactures, and thereby add to the sources of employment in the colony. Secondly, by imposing additional duties on spirits, wine and tobacco, and by increasing what are called the ad valorem, duties. . These are not duties which press mainly on the working classes, unless where they happen to be considerable consumers of tobacco and spirits, and I do not mind pressing upon people who do that. [Hear, hear.] Wo are told that we ought not to have proceeded in the manner I have indicated, but ought first of all to have increased tlib Land Tax, and thus got at ■ the “ unearned increment;” that we should have raised the tax on large properties. No w I have got a return of all the properties in New Zealand, as they were valued at the late assessment, and, as you are aware, an excessive value was put upon many properties in this part of the country. Out of the 87,105 properties assessed in New Zealand how many do you think reached in value £20,000 ? There are only 446 such, and I will venture to say that under any assessment made at the present time that number would be very largely diminished. Now, assuming that these properties are not mortgaged, and return five per cent, on their assessed value, if you tax the whole income from them to the extent of 10 per cent., it will only give you £IOO,OOO ; but we know that properties in this country are generally mortgaged, and wo shall not be far wrong if we assume these to be so encumbered up to half their value. Then, to raise £IOO,OOO it would take 20 per cent, on the net income. Is it not a delusion, therefore, to talk about meeting the deficiency I have mentioned by such an increase in the land tax merely ? I will notice one or two other arguments advanced in favor of retaining to the land tax. A member from Westland objected in the House to the property tax, and advocated a continuation of the land tax —for what reason do you think ? Westland is an important part of the colony, produces a large amount of gold, and receives a very fair share of the public expenditure. Mr Soddon, speaking on this subject of the proposed property tax, said that “at present only four individuals were taxed, but in the Bill now before us the struggling settlers will bo taxed.” From this it would appear that to him it seemed quite fair that the struggling farmers in Canterbury and Otago should be taxed, but that the same rule should not apply to Westland. This seems to me rather an argument against the land tax. There are other good reasons against the land tax, for example, that in Nelson last year it cost more to collect than the whole tax produced. In point of fact, the land tax is paid chiefly by Otago and Canterbury, and to a lessor extent by Wellington. Therefore it presses unequally on the colony at largo. There was another proposal made to meet the deficiency which is worthy of your consideration. Sir George Grey in the debate on the Property Amendment Bill said — “Supposing an income tax was put on_ of 3d in the £—imposed upon the same principle as in England. Why those creditors to whom we owe some twenty-seven millions of money, or to whom we shall soon owe thafc amount, would contribute the sum of £337,500 a year to that income tax, and it would fall so lightly on them that they would not feel it at all.” Thafc is to say, gentlemen, that having borrowed money upon the faith that wo were to pay a certain amount of interest on it, we are suddenly to reduce that by 20 per cent. If one of you had lent money upon mortgage to another, would you think it proper, reasonable, or honorable for the debtor, if he had it. in his power, to say to the creditor, “ I ehall in future not. pay you the amount of your interest by 20 per cent.” Do you think a man who did that would have a chance of borrowing another shilling from the same creditor ? And is it not likely that such an expression of opinion from one who is said to represent the opinions of a large portion of the people of this colony, will damage the credit of the colony in the money market at home. Sir George Grey appears to have remarkable views on finance. Ho says that if the interest receivable by our bond-holdera wore reduced by twenty per cent, they “ would not feel it at all.” The proposal is really a measure of repudiation, and it is, in my opinion a very great calamity that any gentleman, occupying the position held by the late Premier in this colony, should in hie place in Parliament make a positive proposal for even the partial repudiation of our public debt. It is a serious objection to such gentleman being again intrusted with political power in this colony that ha should in his place in Parliament have proposed even partially to repudiate our debt. As I contended when I last addressed you in this hall, I believe taxation should rest not only upon land but upon all property, inasmuch as all property enjoys protection from the State, and for this it should bo made to pay. Land is not more pretested than other property. The man who h fids mortgages pays for that. It is, I contend, a fair and right principle that where realised property exists it should be made to

pay reasonably for this protection. I am aware that this Property Tax is not popular ; very fow taxes are, and, possibly, a considerable amount of dissatisfaction is felt reference to this tax in particular. But I submit this, that the dissatisfaction and unpopularity ought not to attach to those who have introduced the tax for the purpose of making good the alarming deficiency of onr finances, but upon those who bequeathed to us thafc deficiency, and made the tax necessary. Now, Sir George Grey at Christchurch the other day said that this tax was one which would press hardly upon the masses of the people. If thafc is true, I must be glad, because no person will be taxed whose property does not exceed £SOO. If he has less than this amount he does not pay any tax at all, and therefore it follows thafc if it presses heavily on the masses of the people, those people have each more than £SOO worth of property. I hope it is so in[this obscure village of Loeston. [Laughter.] But, gentlemen, the fact is that the mass of the people will not pay the tax at all. Another advantage of the property tax is, thafc many who escaped altogether, or nearly so under the land tax, now have to contribute to the revenue, such as parsons who are money lenders. An illustration of this was given to me some time ago. It is that of a gentleman who has large sums of money out at mortgage who escaped almost scot free under the old Act. He is one who does not use his money in trade or farming. He now has under this Property Tax to pay £IOO a year, whereas under the Land Tax he had only £5. [Hear, hear.] The consequence is that gentlemen like these are sure to object to the property tax. We bad hoped to have bridged over the gap between our revenue and our expenditure by ths means. Bufcowirg to the subsequent falling off in the revenue tuere is a-very serious gap still existing between revenue and expenditure. I am not going to anticipate the financial statement, which in a few days’ time the colony will hear from the Colonial] Treasurer. [Hear, hear.] The depression under which we have so long laboured is gradually, I believe, passing away, the colony is recovering, and I hope soon for better times. [Cheers.] It is true there is not yet a large amount of improvement, bnt I believe we are on the eve of better times. One thing is necessary both in public Bud private affairs in this colony, that we should observe'- strict economy. It is the duty of the Government in dealing with the finances ofthe colony to do this so far as they can, [Hear, hear.] If wo all do so, and devote ourselves to the development of the resources of this colony I believe thafc in a short time the depression will have’ passed away, leaving as traces behind the lessons of thrift and economy, which will help us for the future. [Cheers.] I have told you that it is the duty of the Government to practise economy in administering the finances of the colony. Wo did not come into office telling the colony, as others did, thafc reductions would be made of £IOO,OOO or £150,000. We knew something about government, and that to make snob promises would be nonsense. Wo said we would go carefully into the question and make what reduction could be effected without impairing the efficiency of the public service. Our promises have been kept. The Minister for Public Works during the session reduced the estimates for railways by £30,000, and during the present year has made a saving on train mileage of £21,000, and on reductions in the staff of £7OOO. By the use of native coal he has been enabled to effect a saving of £BSOO. This, gentlemen, I think is a satisfactory item. [Hear.] This means a total saving of £36,500, which is equal to 17 per cent, on the net revenue. Further reductions are in progress, and in the course of a few months still further alterations, by which we hope to save more without in any way interfering with the efficiency of the service. [Hear.] I hope you will agree with me in thinking that the Minister for Public Works has kept his promise. [Hear.] In those departments which are immediately under my charge, viz., the Postal and Telegraph, I have been able to make some reductions by the abolition of some mail services which were not really necessary, and I hope to do more next session if the Parliament will assist with its authority. The necessity far saving in these departments does not take the shape of reductions in salaries paid, because they are already very modest. Such savings must bo effected in the facilities afforded to the public themselves, because here we have become rather too luxurious. Two-thirds of the telegraph offices do not even pay working expenses, and yet to abolish those which are so situated would almost raise a revolution. We look forward to the conversion of our loans under the arrangement made in 1875 by Sir Julius Yogel as a means of effecting considerable saving to the colony. It will, if successful, obviate the payment of considerable sums as sinking fund, and release large sums already accumulated. I think it only right to say that in my opinion the colony is largely indebted to that gentleman for the arrangement effected by him in 1875. I have up to now been dealing with ordinary expenditure. I now come to loan expenditure. With regard to this wo are bound to spread it over a period of three years, that being the time which must elapse before we can go into the London market again. It is very difficult for any Government to check expenditure when there is money available in the chest. The public are apt when this is the case to insist upon it being spent, and consequently this portion of our duty is an arduous one. We find no difficulty in obtaining approval of our policy of economy—in the abstract. Everyone admits thafc we must be economical, but the moment we begin knocking off any particular work the persons affected by the economy protest against it. They are very ready to be economical at their brethren’s expense, but not at their own. Hr Montgomery has recently been speaking at Akaroa. This gentleman, if we are to believe his professions, is a politician of almost immaculate purity, indeed politically of purer eyes than to behold iniquity. But for all that, in any question affecting Akaroa he can roll a log as neatly as any gentleman of my acquaintance. [Cheers.] In his speech he dwelt at great length on the misdeeds of his opponents, but was considerately and judiciously silent as to the deeds of his own party. He spoke strongly of the necessity for economy and thrift and thrift and economy, This being so, it might be fairly expected that he would be willing to begin at Akaroa. Quite the contrary. I had an application made to me for a new post office at Akaroa. [Laughter.] _ I thought that the present office, considering the present state of our finance, with a little alteration would furnish sufficient accommodation for a long time. This, however, he strongly objected to, and complains thafc I have not given an entirely new office. Ho also speaks in a somewhat injured tone because we did not come down with the money to put a tunnel through the hill on J.ho proposed railway line to Akaroa. In this I am bound to say that Mr Montgomery is not a greater sinner than other sinners. If the tower of Siloam was to fall on all who act like him the benches of the House of Eepresentatives would soon bo rather empty. I mention this as an instance of the difficulties which the Government have to deal with in carrying out economy in public expenditure. [Cheers.] I now come to a very important subject, and one of the deepest interest to the colony—-the Native question. We had been led to believe that under the late Government Native questions would be dealt with by men who had especial qualifications for the purpose, who could do in this matter what others could not. The system of personal government was carried out to the fullest extent. The Natives came to our meetings, listened to our speeches, oat our food, but gave nothing whatever in ■return. Their plan for dealing with Natives seemed to have been founded upon an idea that they must ever be treated in an exceptional manner, and not anything like Europeans. The Native expenditure during the past three years has been rapidly increasing, while the number of Natives, as wo understand, has been diminishing. The increase, too, has been loss in salaries than in contingencies expenditure over which Parliament has comparatively no direct control, but which is distributed entirely by the authority of the minister of the day. Not only has money been thus wasted, raised by taxation from the people of this colony, but it has had the effect of training the Natives to spend their time in loafing, to depend upon the Government for assistance, contracting habits of idleness. In short, it has been petting, pampering, and pauperising the Natives, and incurring extravagant expenditure for the purpose. [Cheers.] The policy of the present Government can be put in a few words, namely, as much as possible to lot the Natives alone. Not that we should not keep a watchful eye on their proceed-

ingg, but to teach them not to look constantly to Government for money ; no, also that they must be content to be governed by the same laws as their European fellow citizens are. [Cheers.J There is no need, gentlemen, for long keeping up the distinctions in the treatment between the two races. They are so kept in a great measure by thosewho, thanks to their familiarity with the _ Native language, are able to turn this distinctive treatment of the Natives to their own profit. Our object is to teach the Natives as speedily as possible that they must submit to bo governed by the same laws and rules as their European fellow subjects. So far _ as it has yet been able to be carried out, this’ policy has been successful; we believe that the Natives respect a Government so acting more than they did before. In pursuance of this policy, Native schools which hitherto have been under the control of the Native Minister have been transferred to the Education department, and are now regulated and inspected as far as possible in the same manner as European schools. [Cheers.] So with regard to the Native Lands Court formerly in the department of the Native Minister. This has been transferred to the Minister of Justice. No one is more in earnest in this work than the Native Minister himself. In the expenditure of the Native Department large reductions have been effected. The number of officers and pensioners dispensed with is 117; besides vacancies not filled up. Number of officers and pensioners whose salaries have been reduced, 67. Amount of Native vote for salaries 1879-80 was £15,164; amount by which reduced, £6527, or 43 per cent. Savings on civil list, £1272. Besides this, large reductions have been made in the contingent expenditure. This, as I have said, is money over which the Parliament has comparatively little control, but is disbursed by the Minister as ho thinks proper. For fifteen months Parliament voted £2600 for Native contingencies, but the Native department spent £IB,OOO. If the contingencies of the Native Land Purchase department are added, which is also at the disposal of the Minister, the expenditure of this kind would be not less than £30,000. Moreover, accounts are still coming in incurred by our predecessors. Some of the Native expenditure has been of an objectionable nature. You have no doubt heard of the jewellery for Natives is included. Only a few days ago the Native Minister showed me an account from an Auckland jeweller for £4O for polishing two greenstone meres for a Native chief. This account was endorsed by, the late Native Minister. I consider auch' Expenditure of public money scandalous, ' and that if wo cannot govern the Natives without such proceedings as these it is a disgrace to us. The Native Minister considers that for the future £3OOO would be a fair expenditure for contingencies for the department. [A. voice : “What abaut To Whiti’s swamp,”] I will come to the question of Te Whiti’s swamp presently. I submit that great credit is due to Mr Bryce, the present Native Minister, for the courage and determination with which he has carried out his promises to reduce the expenditure of his department, bearing in mind the protests and objections with which a Minister is beset on every oesauon of this kind I say, therefore, that he should have every credit for the refonn and economy he has laboured to effect in the Native Department. I have now to refer to the subject of affairs on the West Coast of the North Icland ; and I regret that I shall not have time to go into it as fully as I should have liked to do. I should wish to refer to a speech made recently by Mr Ballanoe, in which he attempted to ridicule the manner in which Native affairs in that part of the country are being dealt with by the present Government. It is, I think, unfortunate that Mr Ballance should have done this ; because it is calculated to provoke comparisons, and if I had time to make them, I think I could satisfy you that Mr Ballance was very imprudent in his provocation. But, let that pass. When we came into office, we found this position of matters: —The part of the country between the Waingongoro River and Stoney River had been confiscated many years before, but possession of it had not been taken. Native claims to parts of that country had grown up in a variety of ways—some based on promises made by different Governments that certain lands should be returned to those who had owned them ; others arising out of the fact that Natives had been allowed to settle down at particular points and to cultivate the ground; others again, arising out of promises of different kinds, made directly by the Government or their officers. We found that our predecessors in office had attempted to occupy, by surrey, a part of the country I have specified, but that they had done this without making inquiry as to what lands might, under the circumstances I have stated, be regarded as belonging to Maoris, and what to the Government. The result was, that the surveyors had been turned off the land, and the then Government had not ventured to re-occupy it. We found that there was a body of Armed Constabulary, very well organised, it is true, but in barracks, and costing there about as much as they are now costing out of barracks. We decided that the first thing we had to do was to make a proper enquiry as to what the Native claims really were; to find out, in fact, what justice required should be done for the Natives, before we attempted to take possession of the land. Parliament passed an Act authorising the appointment of a Commission for this purpose. We were able to secure the services, as Commissioners, of two of the most distinguished men in New Zealand —Sir William Fox and Sir Francis Dillon Bell. We also secured the services of a Maori member of the House—a chief of high rank, who was one of our steady political opponents, but who agreed to act on the Commission. Subsequently, ho wever—acting under what influence I do not care to enquire—that gentleman wrote to say that’ he found he should be between the two European Commissioners in the position of a hone between the shafts of a cart; that he should not be able to have his own way. [Laughter.] He decided to withdraw from the Commission. I am sorry for it; and I may say in passing that there was not in this fact much encouragement to the Government to go into the ranks of their political opponents to get members of Royal Commissions. The two gentlemen I have named have devoted themselves most assiduously to making a full inquiry into all the facts of the case as to these West Coast lands. They have found that a considerable proportion of the lands have been promised to be returned or given to the Natives. As to others, to whom no such promises have been made, the commissioners find that they must be allowed some place upon which to live. The commissioners have made recommendations accordingly. Of those recommendations the Government have approved. They have been printed in the public papers, and they will be laid before Parliament in a few days. I ask you, gentlemen, to dismiss from your minds a great portion of the newspaper accounts respecting these transactions which have been sent from that part of the country. Canterbury has been favored with newspaper accounts of what has been passing there, which I state, upon the beat authority, are utterly incorrect and misleading. [Hoar, hear.] While we offered to the Natives to do them full justice in the matter of land, we thought it our duty to show them that we had the power to enforce our authority, and to let them know we had the will to use that power if necessary. We knew that it was of little use to ask those Natives to consent to [a diminution of what they claimed, unless we could show them that we were powerful enough to enforce what we might decide to be just. For that reason we did not organise, as yon have been told, a force costing £6OO a day ; but we took the men that were organised out of their camps and barracks, where they were employed in the no doubt very useful work of furbishing up their s eooutrements, and wo put them upon the plains and showed them to the Maoris. [Applause.] Wo did more. We said, “ Here is a very fine tract of country. ” I have seen it, I may say, and it is a very fine tract of country for certain purposes. “ But,” we said, “ a road will be required. The land cannot bo occupied without a road through it, and bridges across the streams that intersect it. We will employ the constabulary in making this toad. That will be the best sign wo can give to the Maoris, that while we are perfectly willing to do what is just towards them, we mean to assert our authority oyer the land, and not to give up any portion which wo do not find to fairly belong to them,” [Applause.] It has been said that while the Commissioners have given up all the land, that we are spending £6OO a day in making a road through it for the Natives. But the Commissioners have not done that. They found that a great deal of it had been practically given back or promised ; but it is by no means the case that nothing remains. Of the W aimato Plains themselves, a finer

piece of land than which—l won’t say for wheat-growing, but for many purposes—l have never seen, the greater part of the open land will remain for Europeans. [Applause.] And beside that there will bo in what mey be called the same block, no less than 100,000 c eres of rich, level forest land, fit for immediate occupation. If, by the mean* we have adopted, we should secure, as I hope wa shall, peaceable occupation of this part of the country—if, by I do not say the active concurrence, but the passive concurrence of tbo Natives, wo should be able to occupy that land—l say that we shall hp.vo done a very great work indeed. [Applause.] No doubt by hostilities, by bloodshed, we might have conquered those Natives—at the cost of much blood we might have achieved the same result, perhaps, in' a shorter time; but I think you will agree that wo did right not to incur the responsibility of shedding blood amongst our fellow-subjects, if by any mean* that result could be obtained peaceably, [Applause.] I heard some one ask just now about “Te Whiti’s swamp.” [Laughter.] I am happy to tell him that Te Whiti has found out that when he said the two roads (as they have been called) would never meet, he didn’t mean quite that. He is an exceedingly clever man. You always find that he did not mean by his prophecies what does not come to pass. [Laughter.] Ho soys things that appear to have a certain meaning, but when one of hit prophecies does not come true, he has a perfectly marvellous way of getting out of the difficulty. [Laughter.] So far as we can gather, there is not the slightest intention to interfere with the making of the read, or preventing the parts of it being made to meet. The Natives ara giving the best evidence of not intending to provoke hostilities by the extent to which they are cultivating at Parihaka, which will bo near to the road. They never do cultivate to any great extent in accessible positions if they have hostilities in view. It has been said that we have boosted of our success on the West Coast. In. my view of the case, neither the Government nor anybody connected with them has ever done anything of the kind. We have, after grave consideration, gone to an expense which may appear great as compared with the immediate object in view. But we have had the conviction that we could not afford to allow ourselves to be thwarted in this matter. If we had done so, the effect would have been seen and felt throughout the North Island. The Natives there know what is going on. If they supposed that by bouncing they could prevent onr occupying this important piece of territory, and & we had allowed them to do so wa should speedily have had precisely the same kind of difficulty in other parts. We have not been contending for the settlement of the Waimate Plains, only, but for the mastery by peaceful means if possible, but still for the mastery —over the Natives. [Applause.] I believe firmly that we shall be successful. It is not in mortals to command success, but we have done more, in persistently adhering to the best means of obtaining it. [Applause.] I desire now to refer to another feature of the last session—the law regulating the disposal of Crown lands. The Act of 1877 was found to be in many respects restrictive. Prices were too high—conditions were too stringent. Mr Rolleston devoted himself with all that energy and zeal which you know he possesses, to introducing amendments of the law, and the result is a much more liberal measure than we had before. Greater facilities are offered for the occupation of land upon deferred payments in those parts of the country best suited for the purpose. Mr Rolleston has, since the prorogation, travelled over the whole of the colony, to ascertain where land could be advantageously thrown open for settlement, and the result has been the throwing open of a total area under the deferred payments system, which will compare very favorably with anything done in years gone by. I wifi, not trouble yon with details. It will be enough to say that since the Bth April last, over 71,000 acres have been opened for occupation under the deferred payment regulations, upon very easy terms. [A Voice : “Whereabout is it, please ?”] Well, we have often been met by inquiries from people who wanted to know where Crown lands could be got, and what the Government have done is this—they have published a little book called “ The Crown Lands Guide,” which can be obtained for 6d at any land office, and which tells exactly what lands ore open, and upon what terms, in every part of the colony. That I think you will admit is a very useful work. [Applause.] One most fertile theme for censure by the Opposition has been the policy of the Government as to certain district railways. (A Yoice—“.Aye, the Oxford and Temuka.”) No, that was not a district railway. Misrepresentation and abnse hare been showered on us on account of these district railways, and I therefore wish to be allowed to say a few words on the subject. Those railways are lines undertaken in virtue of certain Acts of Parliament passed to enable companies to construct works considered to bo of a useful public character. They had to be sanctioned by the Government, because when authorised they entailed upon districts through which they ran liability to rating sufficient to guarantee interest to an amount equal to 5 per cent, on their cost; and they further entailed upon the Government itself an obligation to pay two per cent, on that cost, making seven per cent, in all. This was an admission, clearly, that those railways had a certain public character. Several companies were formed, av.d they commenced railways under those Acts. A time of great depression came. The companies endeavored to raise money upon debentures, when it was found that the Acts which purported to give them power to raise money in that way were so drawn, or contained such clauses, that the companies could not raise the money. In these circumstances, we had before us the choice of allowing these railways, some of which had been commenced, to be discontinued, and the undertakings to collapse, oat* step in and give such assistance as it warm the power of the colony to give, without the cost to it eventually of a single penny. You have been told—it has been stated in various places—that we proposed to spend £400,000 on these lines. It might as well have been said that we proposed so to apply £4,000,000. [Laughter.] The utmost amount to which anyone knowing the circumstances will tell you that we could have been called upon to spend is £150,000, but it is not in the least degree likely we should have been ever called upon for more thaw £60,000, or, at [the outside, some £IOO,OOO. There was great objection raised to the granting of this assistance ; but eventually Parliament authorised, upon our receiving security from the companies, the guaranteeing of their debentures, which could not be floated as the law stood, and so enabling the companies to raiso'money to complete lines begun. That authority has been acted upon to the extent of £40,000 at the present time ; and I am sure that when the facts are laid before Parliament, and are considered by a fair, candid, and dispassionate tribunal, it will be admitted that what has been done will not eventually cost the country a penny. Quite the contrary, for it will lead to the completion, at an early date, of public works of very great value to the colony—will enable railways to bo opened that will pay better than many of those that have been constructed out of public money. [Applause.] What X have now said will, I hope, give satisfaction. It is, at any rate, a true and correct account of what the Government have done in the matter. [Applause.] We have been twitted about the number of Royal Commissions we have appointed for various purposes. One of those Commissions —that for investigating th& subject of colonial industries —we wore requested to appoint by a Committee of the House of Representatives; and if by any stepof this kind we can further the development of industries in New Zealand, which will afford employment to large classes of the population, as I believe we can—if wo can do this by the collection and sifting of information by gentlemen, moat of whom give their services gratuitously—l say that we shall have done a very valuable thing for the colony. [Applause.] It is a work that Ministers, who have a large amount of departmental duty to look after, could not themselves possibly accomplish. Then as to the Civil Service Commission. We are frequently told, “Sou could reduce the cost of the service* by £100,000,” and some people make it £150,000. But nobody tells us how this is to be done. [Laughter.] We believed that the best mode of beginning to deal with the matter was to have enquiries made in all parts of the colony, by gentlemen who could and would devote time to them ; and I am "of opinion that when the results are laid before Parliament, it will be admitted that the appointment of the Commission was a wise and prudent step. [Applause.] Then, again, as to the Railway Commission. If you are to believe what ia said by who are anxious to get railways made over this or that.

mountain, there is not a yard of New Zealand that would not well support a railway. [Laughter.] But it is desirable there should he on all such matters really authentic information. The intention to appoint this' particular Commission was announced by the Minister of Public Works in his Statement, and I believe the information obtained by it will be most useful. But it is said wo have appointed our political upporters on these Commissions, and we are blamed for that. Speaking very candidly when we looked round for the gentlemen best qualified for the work, we found that the greater number of them did happen to be our own friends. [Laughter.] I do not say there were none who were qualified on the other side, but the best qualified men were amongst those who had given us their support. We did ask some members of the Opposition. But suppose we had appointed a number of them ; what would have been the cry from one end of the colony to the other? Would it not have been, Oh! what a disgraceful attempt to buy political opponents. [Much laughter, and “Well, that is a good pet out!”] I have now, I think, only to refer to the prospects of the coming session, and the proposals to be made to Parliament. As to our prospects, I am happy to tell you they appear to be very good. We have no reason to suppose we have forfeited the confidence or shall lose the support of former friends; and we have reason to believe that some who did differ from us have seen the error of their ways. [Applause and laughter.] The most important subject wo shall have to deal with will bo that of finance. I have already referred to that to some extent, and I will not anticipate the statement of the Colonial Treasurer. But there is one point upon which I may touch without inconvenience. It has been found necessary to discontinue, in their present shape, the subsidies granted to local bodies. The colony is not in a position to afford so large a sum as has hitherto been paid in that ■way —and paid, as we believe, in a great many instances where it could bo fairly spared. That remark applies especially to the largo cities throughout the colony, whore heavy rates are levied, and where, consequently, heavy subsidies are drawn from the Oolonial exchequer. But wo promised that the subsidies should not be stopped without our endeavoring to provide some efficient substitute for parts of the colony whore roadmaking has to bo carried on under very disadvantageous circumstances. Many parts of the colony are leas fortunately situated than we are here. In road districts or counties where there exists a largo area of Crown lands, and a comparatively small area of freehold, but whore roads have to be made, the charge falls very hardly upon the freeholders who are there. Many districts, again, owing to being covered, or largely so. by forests, could not possibly make their roads without assistance from the Government. Assistance, therefore, will be provided in a way which, while entailing lees pressure upon the Oolonial Treasury, will, I trust, provide efficient assistance for those districts where such help is really required. We shall introduce the measures of electoral reform that wore not passed last session a Bill for the Regulation of Elections, a Bill for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption, and a Bill os to the Trial of Election Petitions. The last named measure will provide that petitions of the kind shall in future be tried, not by the House of Representatives, but by Judges of the Supreme Court—an absolutely impartial tribunal, in which politics have no influence, and whose decisions are not likely to be questioned, as those of Parliamentary committees always are. We hope to introduce at an early period of the session a Bill for the Redistribution of Seats. [Applause 1 ;] The existing distribution has become unfair, through the growth of population being greater in some parts of the colony than in others. This unfairness is especially felt in the Canterbury district and in Otago. The first consideration in the allotment of representatives will be population, but it will not be by any means the only consideration. [Ap plause.] We think that other things should be taken into consideration also ; for instance, the permanency of the population—whether it is of a really settled character or not. The question of contribution to the revenue should have something to do with the matter, and the facilities any particular district may have for making its influence felt in Parliament and by the Government, should also be taken into consideration. After carefully weighing all these points we shall lay before Parliament proposals for redistributing the representation in a manner which, while doing justice to those districts that are now insufficiently represented, will, I trust, not do injustice to any part of the colony. [Applause.] With regard to the Native question, we find that the laws bearing upon the subject have, in the course of years, become very complicated. Amending Acts have been passed until there exists great confusion. We propose to sweep away entirely the existing legislation on the subject ; and we have prepared a series of Bills tor dealing with it. One Bill will deal with the Native Lands Court; and it will, I hope, he found to introduce considerable amendments in the working of the Court, and to simplify its procedure. Another Bill will deal with that most difficult question, the alienation or purchase ®£ Native lands. The policy of New Zealand on this question may be called a zigzag policy. When I first became acquainted with New Zealand politics, the solo right of the Crown to purchase Native lands—a right given by the Treaty of Waitangi—was in full force. But it was very much complained of; and, after a great deal of agitation, private purchase was allowed. After that had been in operation some time, the Government again came into the market, and they spent a large amount of money, not very satisfactorily, in the purchase of Native lands. When the late Ministry came into office they declared that this system must be put an end to—that the Government must cease from such purchases. However that Government altered their opinio* upon the subject; and although there is no actual prohibition of private purchases, they have been to a large extent stopped by the use of a power of proclaiming areas of land as under negotiation by the ; Government. The whole question is, as I have said, a very difficult one. It is, in my opinion, not possible to propose any course against which serious difficulties may not be raised. What we propose is to adopt a course, which you may remember, has been advocated by the Native Minister, of which I expressed myself favorably when I last spoke in this hall, and which was, in fact, proposed many years ago by a late Chief Justice—Sir William Martin. The proposal is that the Government shall when the Natives wish it, survey their lands, and shall enable them to get the title decided in the Native Lands Court j that when Natives wish to dispose of their lands, the Government will sell for them, in such blocks, and subject to such conditions as will conduce to settlement, and as will bo most beneficial to the Natives themselves; that, from the proceeds there shall be deducted by the Government, before banding them over to the Natives, the costs of survey, of taking the land through the Court, and also a reasonable contribution towards the making of roads in the district. We have been told that others before us have been very anxious to push forward a Bill of this kind. I can only say I have never seen the least evidence of such a thing. But it is not our practice to talk very long about things ; in the present case, we have a Bill prepared for the purposes I have indicated, and it will be introduced as soon as Parl'ament meets. [Applause.] I should hko, if you will bear with me, to give you briefly some illustration of the way in which Government purchase of Native lands has worked. Between 1874 and 1879 a large area of these lands was purchased; a large amount of public money was spent; and the injudiciousness of the purchases, as well as the character of the land bought, may bo gathered from the figures I am about to give you. In the Auckland district, during the period named, there was handed over to the Government 1,153,000 acres. How much of that do you think has been sold ? 691 acres. In Taranaki the result hns been better, out of 182.000 acres purchased from the Natives 62.000 acres have been sold to Europeans. In Hawke’s Bay, of 133,000 acres purchased only 26.000 acres have been sold; and in Wellington, out of 383,000 acres purchased, the sales have amounted to no more than 42.000 acres. This proves that a largo amount of the public money has keen thrown away, and I oould give you further illustrations of the fact if time admitted of it. We have carefully considered the important question of the’liccnaing of public houses. Our laws upon the subject are in great state of confusion. I believe there are not less than twenty-six Acts or Ordinances by which the matter is regulated in the various parts of the colony. [Laughter.] We have a Bill prepared, which, while dealing very strictly with everything of the nature of abuse, will not treat respectable licensed publicans as if they were necessarily criminals.

[Applause.] As to local option, what we believe, is a fair proposal is this—that with respect to all new licenses, residents or ratepayers in the district shall be at liberty to give a veto ; hut we do not think it reasonable that such a principle should apply to licenses that have been continued for any amount of time, and with respect to houses well managed, and in the hands of respectable persons. At any rate we do not think the application of this principle would bo reasonable uuloss there was compensation, which we do not seo our way to provide. [Applause.] Then there is the very important and difficult question of the maintenance of hospitals, and tho providing for Charitable Aid. We propose to deal with it, by fixing by law the responsibility in ascertained quarters. At present, that responsibility is very undefined. Wo propose to divide the colony into districts, having community of interest in those matters and likely to avail themselves of the same charitable institutions. Wo propose that in each district a Board shall be elected by tho local bodies ; to leave such Board to say how the institutions shall be managed and how supported ; and to •five to tho Board tho right —if tho institutions are not provided for by voluntary contributions or in some other way—to call upon the local bodies to make provision amongst them, in proportion to population, for one-half tho cost of the institutions; the other half tobe provided out of tho colonial exchequer. We believe that a measure framed upon this basis will, while it encourages private benevolence, not absolutely leave tho sick and indigent to what might, after all, bo an uncertain and precarious source of support. [Applause.] Very great progress has been made in tho consolidation of the statutes. A Commission, you may remember, was appointed for that purpose. We shall be able to present to Parliament fourteen Acts, which will consolidate no less than sixty statutes upon a number of important subjects. This is a work which I am sure will prove to be of very groat utility. There are several other social questions with which wo propose to deal next session, but 1 must not detain you by referring to them. From what I have said you will see that we hope tho coming session will be one of work rather than of talk. We think there have been many sessions in which there has been a great deal of mere talk, and wo hope for a change. No doubt there is what has been called the “ burning question” of tho Legislative Council and its constitution; as well as the question whether tho Queen shall confer titles of honour hero without the concurrence of tho Ministry of New Zealand. [Laughter.] But all that kind of thing, we think, may very fairly stand over until a more convenient season. I have told you what is our bill of faro for the coming session. How it will be dealt with must depend in some measure on the gentlemen composing tho body known as her Majesty’s Opposition. We have been told that wo are to have a compact and organised Opposition during the coming session, I trust we may. An Opposition properly constituted is exceedingly valuable. It is valuable os a chock on the Government ; it is valuable by sometimes enabling an understanding to be come to between members holding different opinions, and so expediting considerably the di spatoh of public business. I am, however, bound to say that I do not see many evidences at present of such an organised and compact Opposition as I desire, I trust that we shall not have a desultory kind of Opposition without any organisation, as this generally delays the business of the country, and in many cases brings the session to a close without much practical Result. We were told, gentlemen, that the key note of the policy of the Opposition was to be sounded by Sir George Grey in speeches at Auckland and Christchurch, and we have .not been disappointed. In these speeches, he sounded a very important key note, pointing to considerable alteration of the Constitution of the colony. He proposed that the Governor of this colony shall not in future be appointed by the Queen, but that he shall be elected by ourselves. Now that is a proposition which I shall feel it my duty to resist to tho uttermost. [Cheers.] A Governor owing his appointment to the Queen, owing no duty to any party, owing no allegiance to any party, can and does hold the balance of power with an even hand between parties in the colony. But is it likely that this would bo the case if he were elected in the colony? Would he not be likely to use his power for the support of tho party with which he is identified, and by whom he was elected ? I hold that our system of parliamentary government which gives to the people real control over tho administration of the Government, is incompatible altogether with the proposed scheme of an elected Governor. It is indispensable, in my opinion, to the carrying ont of that system that we should have a gentleman as Governor who has to ask no favors from any party, nor any to give. We have had an exomple of the working of tho system of elected Governors in the [provinces with the Superintendents who were elected by the people. Did they work smoothly with responsible Ministers ? No, they did not. Were not the Superintendents much too often at war with their responsible advisers ? The introduction of a system of elected Governors would soon lead to the same state of things as exists in the United States,’,where the President is elected. The Governor, once elected, would be Governor for the full term of his office, and you would have him and his hangers-on for that term over you, and the people of the colony would for that period sacrifice their control over the Govermnentlof the colony. [Cheers.] Another reason why I object to the election of the Governor is that, in my opinion, it strikes at the root of the union of the colonies with Great Britain. [Cheers.] Practically it means taking the first step towards constituting this colony into a petty Republic instead of remaining a colony of the British Crown, I trust I shall never see this. [Cheers.] I hope to live and die under the flag under which I was born. [Cheers.] lam proud to be a citizen of the British Empire ; proud of its power and its history, and never, while I have breath in my body will I agree, if I can help it, to a step which shall sever this colony from the Mother country. [Cheers.] With regard to the immediate political future much depends on the decisions of of the people as expressed in meetings such as this. If you believe it desirable to have a Government which shall go vaporing about the colony at public meetings, exciting the passions and flattering the prejudices of large audiences, by setting forth a number of imaginary grievances and visionary remedies, at tho same time neglecting the practical work of the Government of the colony, and allowing its finance to drift into confusion, then you had better get rid of us at once. But if, on the other hand, you desire to have a Government which discards such proceedings as those, but which is willing to devote itself honestly to the task of introducing economy and efficiency into the administration, to neglect no opportunity of developing the great resources of New Zealand; above all, to watch carefully over its credit, and by a sound and honest system of finance, place that credit on a firm basis —if the people of New Zealand wish to have such a Government, then I claim, without hesitation, tho support of the people for the gentlemen who are associated with me m tne work of the Government of the colony. [Loud cheers.] I apologise for having detained you so long, and thank you sincerely for the patience with which you have listened to me. [Loud cheors.[ Tho Chairman then asked whether any gentleman had any questions to put to the representative. After a pause an elector came forward and handed up the following:—l rise on behalf of the fishermen to tender to you our grateful thanks for what you have done for ns. Tho Provincial Council allowed us to build our houses and settle on tho fishing reserve, and without any notice to us at all the reserve was let, and we were to be turned out, and all our hard-earned savings which we had expended upon our houses taken from us. It was said to us by many that you would not take any trouble with us, who are poor men, but wo thought wo would have it put before you and see. By your timely action you have saved us from groat hardship, allowed us to make an honest living, and prevented a great injustice being done. We are now settled there with our wives and families, who all join us in thanking you. Mr McLaughlin asked whether it was true, as stated by Sir George Grey, that the Government were giving large grants of land to their friends. Was this the case ?

Mr Hall replied that he had seen statements of the kind in print, but for the life of him ho didn’t know what was meant by them. Ho knew of no grants being made, and ho certainly had a right and would know of it were there anything in it. [A voice : “ They are not making grants to those that are entitled to them, let alone to anybody else,”]

Mr James Carston would like some information as to tho valuation of the district under tho Land Tax. He had written to Mr Latter but had been told that any balance that was due to him had been swallowed up and more. What, ho would like to know, did tho revision cost ?

Mr Hall said, it was a parliamentary custom and he thought a good one, that when a member wanted particular information on any specie! subject ho gave notice. Mr Carston should have given him notice of this and ho would then have been prepared with a statement upon it, as it was he could not give him any information as to what the revision did cost.

Mr Gammack asked whether when Major Atkinson was Oolonial Treasurer before did ho not state that they should pay tho interest on the loans out of the money they borrowed until tbo railways and public works were completed ? Mr Hall said he did not remember whether Major Atkinson had ever mado such a statement. He had no recollection of it. Mr Gammack took exception to the reply, and urged that it was being done at tho present moment, to which Mr Hall replied that if so the questioner know better than ho did. Mr Frankish asked whether Mr Hall was in favor of prohibiting tho lighting of open fires before sunrise and after sunset. The prohibition was in force in some of the other colonies, and was found of great service. Mr Hall said that was the first time ho had heard the matter mooted. He thought tho suggestion a reasonable one, and though he oould not then promise the request would be granted, still he thought it worth considering. A written question, asking that the dog tax should bo equalised throughout tho colony, was handed up. Mr Hall, in answer, said that a Bill had been prepared for the purpose of making the tax the same all through tho colony. Mr Lockhead thought the Bankruptcy Act was very unsatisfactory in many particulars, and asked whether it was the intention of the present Government to improve it ? Mr Hall said the Government had had it under consideration, and proposed to bring it before Parliament. He oould not promise, though, that legislation would bo undertaken during the coming session, Mr Lookhead inquired whether the present Government were in favor of going in for another four or five million loan ? Mr Hall said he was willing to answer any reasonable questions, but he did not think this was being asked in any seriousness. It was a pity to put questions for more sport. In reply he could only say no such proposal had been under the consideration of the Government. Another written question, a leng'hy one, was handed up and read. It was iu the form of a complaint against the restrictions upon traction engines going over tho Ashburton bridge, and setting forth the hardship inflicted upon tho owners of those useful machines. Mr Hall thought tho statement in tho request was a reasonable one, and in tho event, of nothing being shown to the contrary he would do his beat to have the restrictions complained of removed. Question —What amount of money would the property tax raise ? Mr Hall said this was an exceedingly difficult question to answer at the present time. It was intended to yield £400,000 or thereabouts, but it had undergone some important alterations, which might reduce the amount to bo raised under it by between £IOO,OOO and £200,600. It was most difficult to give a decided answer to the question at present. Mr Gammack said the Government claimed to be a most economical one, but he had seen that pertain members had stated that they had got a good deal more for their districts from the Hall Government than they ever could from the Grey Government. How could these statements be reconciled with an economical policy ? Mr Hall said the questioner first found facts for himself, and then answers to suit them. Mr Masters, mentioned by Mr Gammack, had certainly had some conversation with himself in reference to works for Greymouth harbor, and he had told that gent'eman what opinion he entertained as to the work, but no promise had been given him. As to Mr Lundon, ho (Mr Hall) thought that if ho was acquainted with that hon. member 'Mr Gammack would not ask for an answer. In respect to Mr Oolbeok, also referred to by the questioner, it was true a promise had been made for a certain sum for continuing a i ail way to a valuable coal field in Mr Oolbeck’s district. It was an undertaking of public importance and benefit, and as such had been dealt with as in other instances where public works of benefit to the whole colony were concerned. A lengthy pause followed, tho questions apparently being exhausted. The Chairman asked it there were any further questions, if so it was desirable they should be put as soon as possible, as the reporters had a long distance to travel, and had to complete their reports for the press. Mr W. Miles thereupon arose, and stated that it gave him very great pleasure in moving a vote of thanks to Mr Hall for his able address and of renewed confidence in him as tho representative of the Selwyn district. . Mr McLaughlin seconded it in complimentary terms. The Chairman then put it to the meeting, and asked whether any gentleman had an amendment to offer. After waiting for a reply, and not hearing any, he put the resolution to the meeting, when it was carried amid great cheering. In acknowledging the expression of confidence, Mr Hall said he thanked them most sincerely, and would assure them that he felt proud to be the representative of the Selwyn constituency, though it was but “ an obscure country village, and they were only a lot of farmers,”

A hearty vote of thanks to the Chairman brought the meeting to a close.