THE GLOBE. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1879.

Globe, Volume XXI, Issue 1805, 3 December 1879, Page 2

THE GLOBE. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1879.

It is somewhat difficult to understand tho general drift of Mr. Gladstone’s last utterance on European affairs as reported to ns by telegram. “He insists,” it is stated, “ on tho autonomy and emancipation of the Balkans, and bo warns Europe against allowing Austria to extend her influence whore the supremacy of Turkey should bo maintained.” Presumably, what bo means is much as follows: —Where the population is thoroughly Turkish there, and there only should tho Turkish power be maintained, but where, as in Eastern Roumolia, the Christian population exceeds the Mahomedan, there it is dangerous to allow a wedge of Turkish soldiery to bo introduced and to imperil the success of tho nowly-formed institutions. Considering however tho difficulties which the Beaeonsfield administration have had to contend with, the present solution of tho Eastern question may ho looked upon as a comparative success, and although Mr. Gladstone has not approved of tho moans by which it has been obtained, still it is doubtful whether, if his plan had boon carried out from tho commencement, an equally satisfactory result would have been arrived at. That plau, as is well known, was, in conjunction with Russia, to have assisted in forming antomonous Christian States of those countries which at one time wore so oppressed by tho Turks. Tho same result as has now been gained by another route was to have been sought, but with tho aid of tho Czar, and not through any such medium as tho Treaty of Berlin. Mr. Gladstone built on the good faith of Russia, but in the existence of such good faith be was, in all probability, entirely mistaken. Moreover, the realised outcome in the following particular exceeds in security that which, at best, would have been obtained by Mr. Gladstone’s plan. Tho security of Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia are guaranteed by the Great Powers. Mr. Gladstone apparently dreads danger from the increase of Austria’s powers in an easterly direction. But surely such extension must be beneficial both to the populations concerned and to the interests of England in the East. Austria can never become a formidable foe to England, but her inclination will henceforward Ho iu thwarting the schemes of Muscovite ambition. Perhaps the most successful part of Lord Beaconsfield’s diplomacy was the stroke whereby Austria has pushed further oast, and her interests permanently identified with our own as being made altogether anti-Russian. But when wo say the most “ successful part of Lord Beaeonsfiold’s diplomacy,” it must not be inferred that we would wish to imply that Lord Beaeonsfield was tho prime agent in the course of events that have turned out so advantageously for his country. The individual to whom tho present satisfactory state of affairs is mainly due is, of course. Prince Bismarck. Luckily the interests of Germany have lately entirely coincided with those of England, and to this must laid tho success of the Berlin treaty. Lord Beaconsfiold’s good luck never stood him in better stead than when, at the time of the crisis, Germany found it to her own interest to back up the English Premier’s ideas. If the saying of Napoleon 111. were not a complete truism that La 'politique n’a pas d' entrallies, other results might have been looked for. Russia bad allowed Germany to despoil Denmark, to drive Austria out of the German Confederation, and to fine and dismantle France, and in return for those benefits she might have expected that, when tho time came, Germany would have tacitly assisted her in carrying out some of hor cherished projects with regard to tho Turkish Empire. But Prince Bismarck Las not been able to see that the true interests of bis country lio in tho preponderance of Russian power in the Balkan Peninsula. Whether bis ultimate object may be to push Austria further Eastwards, and by increasing her Slav population, to finally turn her into a Slav State and absorb into the German Empire the Gorman speaking populations at present under Austrian rule—whether this is bis ultimate goal, can only bo conjectured. But, in any case, Prince Bismarck, seeing that the interests of Russia and Austria in respect to Turkey were incurably antagonistic, elected to stand by the latter. And the manner of bis doing so, viewed as a diplomatic stroke, was a masterpiece. Seeing in which direction bis country’s interest lay, without apparently loosening the ties that bad bound him to Russia for many a long year, ho admitted Austria into tho friendly circle and formed a triple alliance. Then when the moment came and his old friend asked that, in return for so many favours conferred, bo might carry out some of bis schemes and spread his borders in the direction of Constantinople, Prince Bismarck was able to express his sincere regret, and show bow impossible it was, taking into consideration the interests of his new friend Austria, that be could gratify bis natural longing to repay past favours. Russia by tho late war has lost £150,000,000, and is further from Constantinople than over. Between hor and the Golden Horn there now lie two now antomonous Christian States, and on tho flank of the well studied road to Constantinople Austria is more powerful than ever.

Mr. Gladstone would do well to reconcile himself to the present position of affairs in Europe, or his motives will ho misconstrued by many who otherwise wish him well. At the commencement of the crisis ho, no doubt, had a perfect right to criticise the actions of Lord Boaeonsfiold’s Government, but matters have turned out so luckily for England that he will bo a hard critic indeed who is not satisfied. Russia’s “ little game ” in South-eastern Europe is so completely broken up that one can hardly help pitying her diplomats who have been so thoroughly check-mated. With regard to affairs in Central Asia, however, everything is not so satisfactory. In this direction, and not towards the Balkan Peninsula, should the eyes of our statesmen be directed. On the Indian

frontier wo have to carry on our own battle, unaided by any friendly State. The “ Lyttelton Times,” in an article in yesterday’s issue, taking the extraordinary lino it has lately adopted when treating of Imperial matters, has suggested an easy issue out of our troubles in connection with India. Give up India, it says. “ Our Indian Empire is becoming a burden almost intolerable. Wo have on our hands two hundred and fifty millions of people, aliens in blood, language, and religion, and wo keep our hold on them for the sake of a small export trade and providing appointments for the members of our upper middle class.” Our contemporary has given up all faith in our power to manage Oriental nations. It has adopted the theory that to rule over such nations it is necessary to govern them by the most crooked of methods, to meet lie by lie, strategem by stratogom. An English gentleman speaks the truth, ho stands at a disadvantage when dealing with an Oriental, ho is consequently useless. Our trial in the East has turned out a failure. Therefore let us give up India, says the “ Lyttelton Times.” It would bo difficult to find elsewhere more fallacies crammed into so small a space. England does not reckon on making money out of India, and the Manchester school is the very one that is most eager to give her up: Indian appointments are not a gift to any particular class, for they are given after perfectly free competitive examinations; our rule has not, comparatively speaking, turned out a failure, and te moot lie by lie is not the proper method in which to manage Orientals. On this last point it will bo conceded that no better authority can bo given than that of Lady Hester Stanhope. The marvellous tact by which she succeeded in creating herself an independent chieftainess in Syria must single her out as one whose views must bear the greatest weight. And her opinion was this —“ A downright manner, amounting even to brusqueuess, is more effective than any oilier with the Oriental. Amongst the English of all ranks and all classes there is no man so attractive to the Orientals —no man who can nogociate with them so effectively as a good, honest, open-hearted and positive naval officer of the old school.” The “ Lyttelton Times ” has altogether bogged the question when it says that the Englishman is not fitted to deal with the Oriental. Considering the small number of our race in India, it is, on the contrary, marvellous what has been done. What other race has shown a similar capacity ? Have the French in Algeria so distinguished themselves that they can bo held up as a pattern ? Have the Dutch in the Indian Archipelago ? Our contemporary, perhaps, wishes to instance the Russian as a successful man among natives such as those to bo found in India. What the Russians have done has been done at the point of the bayonets of an overwhelming force, and cannot bo compared with what the Englishman has effected in the Indian peninsula. The Englishman does not hold India for a paltry export trade. He holds it for a great idea and for a great purpose. The great idea is that ho should introduce the benefits cf an enlightened civilisation among the millions who have hitherto bowed beneath successive conquerors. Were we to confine our ideas to mere money-making, the heart with which our more enlightened Indian statesmen work would be taken from them. Wo hold India, too, for a great purpose. It is a material strength to the Empire, both in the way of absolute strength and of prestige. The power of its absolute strength was seen when the Indian regiments were brought, during the Russo-Turkish war, into the Mediterranean. England was manifest then, not as a manufacturing nation living in a small island in the Eastern Atlantic, but as the Mistress of a Great Empire, which had great resources to dispose of if the worst came to the worst. The petty vestry policy that would dismember the British Empire because there is trouble and risk attached to its proper maintenance is beneath contempt. England has, no doubt, a difficult course to steer with her numerous dependencies and her vast obligations, but the true Englishman will be nerved rather than cowed by the fact. “ Civis Romanus sum,” said the Roman of old, and, from the small spot of earth bounded up by the Seven Hills, he ruled the world. Every Englishman must feel proud of tho fact that he belongs to a nation that has done and dared so much. When his country has been reduced to a manufacturing district like Belgium it will be plenty of time to philosophize on the fallacy of holding great ideas.