SIR BARTLE FRERE ON THE CAUSES OF THE ZULU WAR.

Globe, Volume XXI, Issue 1737, 13 September 1879, Page 3

SIR BARTLE FRERE ON THE CAUSES OF THE ZULU WAR.

At a banquet given at Capetown in honor of Sir Bartle Frere, his Excellency made the following speech in defence of his conduct in reference to the Zulu war :—When I went to Natal I found great difference of opinion as to the state of affairs in existence. There were prophets of evil and men who prophesied smooth things, but I felt convinced that they were all living on the brink of a volcano. Every part of that country seemed in imminent danger of a horrible war, owing to a rising of the native races. It has been said that my conclusions were hastily formed, but I would ask those who have studied the Zulus’ character and history, whether their conviction has not been for years past that the position of the Natal colonists was one of extreme peril. I have heard the same opinion expressed by people from Canada and Australia, who gave it as their reason for objecting to Natal as a field for emigration on this very account. What I saw there convinced me of what I had long before been told, viz., that the condition of our fellowcolonists was based on an extremely hazardous foundation. Everything I saw and heard pointed to the same conclusion, that throughout the whole of South Africa a movement originating with the Zulus had stirred the hearts of the whole of the native population. All they wanted was some movement to bring about the supremacy of the black race and the expulsion of the Europeans. The measures we took were taken with the most careful consideration. Our measures were strictly directed to defence, and it appeared to us quite impossible to defend the Natal border with the forces in the colony. It was only by carrying the war at once into the enemy’s country, by posting columns within the enemy’s borders, by meeting them on their own ground, that they could prevent an invasion of this kind. This is my justification for the act which you have been pleased to-day to confirm. I reel convinced that when our countrymen at home —even including the critics—come to look at this business in the light of history, they will say that we did no more than was necessary for the safety of the colony. Perhaps the verdict will not come in my time. All history points to similar cases of men whe have done their best, and who have received justice only long after they were dead. This is what has sustained me in what has passed, and I am sure that no soldier of the Queen has hitherto been employed except for defence. I might refer to my commission. When I came to these shores I was charged as High Commissioner to take all measures [for preventing any irruption into her Majesty’s possessions by hostile tribes, and maintaining peace and safety. This was my charge. I have no power to moke peace or war. I have power simply to defend the colony, and to see that no irruption takes plaee. I think I may refer to what has since occurred. Notwithstanding the disasters we have met with, I think I may refer to the fact that although there has been no difficulty in crossing the boundary, her Majesty’s possessions are still intact from any hostile foe. I think when these matters are calmly judged in the light of history they will more than justify Lord Chelmsford’s strategy. They will more than compensate for all the disaster that has happened. Borne down as we were by overwhelming numbers, wo have still preserved our fellow-colonists in peace and safety. It has been said that I was precipitate in what I did, and that the King of the Zulus, had some other course been adopted, might not have used the power which he possessed. What that power was, however, we have seen only too distinctly, and wo have seen also how he can use it, I do not judge from mere surmise, but from the acts of Oetewayo himself for the last eighteen months. He had repeatedly stated that his power was founded on blood, and that it was necessary for the maintenance of that power that he should be unrestrained in his ability to slay his subjects and raid on other people. He had asked for leave to wash spears in white men’s blood, and I knew it was impossible for him to do so without killing British subjects, and those who had allied themselves with us for protection. I would ask you, in the name of common sense and prudence, was it to be relied upon that he should not use the enormous power which he possessed ? Was it possible for our fellow-colonists to live in that trust, bloodthirsty as this man professed, and powerful as he knew himself to bo ? Could they rest on the reliance that he would belie his own statements, and that he would live ns a humane and well-meaning Prince, and abstain from acts of bloody aggression, which are the mainstay of the Zulu nation ? I could not, at all events, so persuade myself, and believing, os I did in my heart, that this danger must be surmounted, I thought no risk too great as compared with the paramount duty of doing my beat to protect her Majesty’s subjects. I say, then, this first principle is that it is our duty as far as possible to ensure the security and safety of all her Majesty’s subjects. The next principle which underlies the policy to which I think you refer is that when Native tribes come in contact with Europeans there should bo a distinct understanding whether European ideas or whether Native ideas are to rule. I need not enter into this. You know that such principles of government as wo live under are symbolised by the Crown ; whereas the Zulu rule is symbolised by the assegai. I would ask you whether the Crown or the assegai is to be the symbol of Government ? They cannot coexist. We must make our choice. I need not remind you that wherever the Crown is in supremacy the law must be supreme, You

hare gone much further in this country than in any other colony in South Africa, but this has not been all done at once. It took some time to build up the constitutional edifice under which we live, and I only trust that we shall take the constitution and the tendencies of this colony as a model for the rest of South Africa. I would ask you, gentlemen, whether this is any new policy ? It is a traditional policy.