THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume XXI, Issue 1721, 26 August 1879, Page 1 (Supplement)

THE ELECTIONS.

THE HON. J. HALL AT LEE3XON

The Hon. J. Hall addressed tho electors of Selwyn at tho Looaton Town Hall last Mon day. There was a good attendance, tho hall being well filled. Mr Bluett took the chair and briefly introduced the candidate. In the course of his remarks he said that the Hon. John Hall, who was well known to most of them, was coming forward to ask their suffrages. He was well known as having taken an active part in the politics of the country, both general and provincial, and was an old and tried servant of the public. He therefore asked them to give the Hon. John Hall a patient hearing when addressing them. [Cheers.] He would not detain them longer, as the gentlemen of the Press from Christchurch had an arduous task to perform, and had to drive a very long distance, in order that their reports might appear the next day. [Cheers.] He would only now introduce tho Hon. John Hall to them.

The Hon. John Hall, who was well received, stated that, before proceeding to tho political questions upon which he intended to address them, he wished in the first instance to do what he considered to bo an act of justice to an absent gentleman—their late member Mr Pitzroy. It was but fair that, as he had had an opportunity of witnessing tho manner in whiofi he had done his duty to the district, he (Mr Hall) should bear testimony to the fact. He might say that on many occasions before their late member ceased to reside in the district ho had enlisted many of the members ot the Assembly in regard to the local claims of bis district, and his interest in it had not diminished in any way after he had taken up his residence in another part of tho colony. [Hear, hear.] Secondly, he wished to apologise for not having been able to address them at an earlier date, and he was rather at a disadvantage, because much of what he had to say that evening had been said before, and would therefore appear comparatively stale. Circumstances over which he had no control had prevented him addressing them earlier. Tho third question was personal to himself. He had read in the papers that at a preliminary meeting held at Leeston, it was stated by Mr Bennie that he had voted for him (Mr Hall) on one occasion on account of a pledge he gave, and that he had afterwards broken that pledge. He did not wish to address them while laboring under that imputation. He took no notice of what was said by anonymous writers, and he rather agreed with what Sir George Grey had said on Saturday, that if one once commenced to reply to such attacks they would never have done. In the course of a long political existence he had treated such charges with contempt, and should continue to do so, but when a gentleman in tho position of Mr Bonnie made a charge of that kind he did not wish to pass it oyer. He had tried to ascertain to what it was that Mr Rennie referred, and he was told that on one occasion, when he was elected for the Heathcote, he had promised to endeavour to impeach Mr Stafford, and that after he was elected he had joined Mr Stafford’s Government. He did not know where Mr Bennie had got his information, but if ho would refer to the papers of that time —he spoke from memory, and thought it was about thirteen years ago—he would find that he had never said anytfiing of the kind. Ho was asked whether ho would undertake to impeach Mr Stafford, and he replied that it was a thing that could not be done. That was to be found in the newspaper reports of the day if they would take the trouble to refer to them. On that occasion he had spoken very strongly in condemnation of some proceedings of Mr Stafford, and he promised to vote against him. He was elected, and went to Wellington, and not only voted against him but spoke very strongly against him. Mr Stafford’s Government was defeated by a larger majority than he ever remembered before, and they went out of office. Upon that Mr Moorhouse was sent for by the Governor, but he was unable to form a Ministry, and it was well known that there was no probability of a good stable Government being formed except by a coalition. He (the speaker) was then requested, almost unanimously by the Canterbury members, to join the new Government, and ho consented to do so, Mr Stafford being the leader of the new Government. It was under these circumstances that ho had taken the course he had done, and he was well aware at tho time that a portion of the public Press would hold him up to odium, as they [subsequently did. His constituents, misled by that means, appeared to hold very strong opinions on the subject, and he called meetings at Prebbleton and Christchurch, at which he quoted from the report of tho “Lyttelton Times,” entirely disproving the charge that he had ever said be would impeach Mr Stafford. The “Lyttelton Timee ” reported his speech, but omitted to publish the extract, which proved that he had made no such statement. The electors passed a vote of continued confidence in him. [Mr Gammaok : "No, no.”] He hold another meeting in tho Town Hall, Christchurch, where the same question was raised, and he did not think Mr Gammack would deny that upon that occasion a vote of continued confidence was passed. After he had become a member of the Stafford Government, he came before the electors of the Heathcote again, and was elected without opposition. That was the answer to the charge that he had broken his pledge, and ho asked them whether, under those circumstances, at tho almost unanimous request of tho Canterbury members, and after a full explanation given at the time, in addition to the verdict of the electors, it was not a charge which it was impossible to sustain. [Applause.] He could only say that if tho same circumstances should occur again he should adopt precisely tho same course. The questions now referred to the constituencies were two —whether the verdict of the House of Representatives, that the present Government had maladministered tho affairs of the country, was correct, and another question, added to that by the Government, was the eo-called Liberal programme of the Government. When tho Government was condemned by the House of Representatives for mis-government, the Government pleaded that they had proposed Liberal reforms which were embodied in the Governor’s speech. They were first, readjustment of representation; secondly, an enlarged franchise ; thirdly, triennial Parliaments ; fourthly, liberal land laws ; fifthly, a property and income tax, besides the registration of Chinese, immigration, and one or two other questions. There was also another question which was not put into the Governor’s speech, that the Governor should be made elective, and that there should be an alteration in the mode of appointment to the Legislative Council. He would refer to the liberal measures first, and afterwards go into the question of the alleged misgovornment; of the c:untry by the present administration. No one could feel that more strongly than a person living j in Canterbury who was acquainted with the facts of the case. But it was not fair to blame any particular set of men for such a state of things having continued for any length of time. The real reason was that population increased more rapidly in one part of the colony than in another. Tho representation had been adjusted several times in their and in his recollection, but in the course of a few years the change in the relative proportions of the population in different parts of tho colony was very great, and what might have been a very fair representation when the late Parliament was elected had become very unfair at the present time. Canterbury especially was very hardly dealt with, for while they should have fourteen and a half members they were really four short of that number. [A Voice —“ They said rest and be thankful.”] What took place with regard to the_ adjustment of tho representation ? Early in the session of 1878 the Canterbury members had a meeting. The question appeared to be of very great importance, and they appointed a deputation to wait on the Government, and urge that no delay should take place in the readjustment, and in giving Canterbury her fair share p£ members. They

wore told that it could not be done that suasion. Ho did not at all agree with that. He believed it might have been done ; whatever the franchise was they might have had a redistribution of representation. The Government, however, refused to bring in a Bill that session, and not only so but when during the aession a motion was proposed by Dr. Hodgkinson, one of the Southland members, as follows :—“ That this House considers it desirable that the Government should during this session bring in a Bill for the re-adjust-ment of the representation of this House, or if such a Bill cannot be got ready during the present session, that the Government be reques ed to prepare one during the recess,” Mr Wason, one of the Opposition members, moved as an amendment—“ That all'the words after the word ‘ or ’ 'should be omitted” —when this resolution came before the House, Sir George Grey, the great advocate for a redistribution of seats, actually voted against it. Sir George Grey voted against that proposition. Ho (Mr Hall) contended that the present head of the Government had no right to complain of the elections taking place upon an unfair basis, when ho himself stood in the way of a fair adjustment) when it might!have been made. They had of course a right to ask what his opinions were as to what should be done. Ho thought, speaking gonoral’y, that the representation should be readjusted on the basis of population, but by no moans that basis alone. There were other considerations which should bo allowed to have due weight. For instance, if the representation of Now Zealand was readjusted entirely on a population basis, four towns in the colony would return one-fourth of the whole number of members, which would be unfair to the country districts—the producing districts. Some increased representation should bo given to the country districts. Ho thought also that the amounts which all the districts contributed to the revenue of the colony should bo taken into consideration. He thought also that where there was a district like Banks’ Peninsula, which had separate interests of its own, a very close adherence to the population basis should not be insisted on, otherwise they would practically get no representation at all. Taking into consideration contributions to the revenue, Canterbury would not only have its four additional members, but, looking at the amount it had contributed by its land] fund to the revenue of the colony, Canterbury should have oven a larger share than the four additional members to which on a population basis it was entitled. He now came to the question of tho electoral franchise. It had bean alleged that many gentlemen were perfectly ready to vote for a Liberal franchise who would not have done so before. As far as he was concerned, he begged to refer them to “ Hansard ” for what ho had iaid at a time when he had no idea of standing for that or any other district. The object of all legislation was to got tho beet possible Government. If he believed that that would be obtained by making Sir George Grey absolute monarch of New Zealand ho would vote for it tomorrow, but he did not believe that it would be a good thing to make anyone a despot. In a ccmmunity like this they must lay tho foundations of a Government broad and deep, and they must give a large voice in the election of the representatives to those who were permanent residents in tho country. [Cheers.] What was the franchise at present ? It was by no means an illiberal one. A freeholder to a small amount, a householder to tho extent of £lO a year in towns, and a leaseholder to a small amount, were allowed votes by the Constitution Act. To those had been added every ratepayer if he only paid sixpence, and every lodger who paid £5 or £lO a year. Although he considered that tho franchise was capable of improvement, ho thought that people were misled when they were told that the present franchise was an illiberal one. What was proposed by the Bill of last session ? It proposed to add to those qualifications a right to vote for every man who had been residing for two years in tho country and six months in the particular district. He had voted for that with pleasure, and ho would presently tell them the reason why Sir George Grey’s description of that proposal was very remarkable. He said that the small piece of paper before him was a great charter of rights, and would add sixty or seventy thousand persons to the electoral roll. He (Mr Hall) had no doubt that Sir George Grey believed that, but he had gone into the question, and he did not think it would do anything of the kind ; at least it would not add anything like that number to those who might bo on the roll now if the present law were carried out. The great difficulty at present was not the law, but that tho people did not take the trouble to register. [Hoar, hear.] Perhaps also the Government had not afforded them sufficient facilities for registration. Sir George Grey stated that the proposal would add sixty or seventy thousand persons, the pith and marrow of New Zealand, and its supporters would be enrolled on the page of history in a manner which would never die. [Loud laughter.] Those were the words he used. The Bill passed through the House of Representatives, and came up to the Legislative Council, where it was of course in charge of tho Colonial Secretary,Oolonel Whitmore. He supposed that tho hon. member thought that fie had a different audience to deal with, and he described the Bill in a general way as merely a consolidating measure, and stated the chief characteristic of the Bill was to consolidate and simplify the law. He went on to say that it would take the political power out of the hands of the lower classes—[A voice—“ That’s us.”] —ho thought his friend who made that remark was not far wrong—and put it into tho hands of a lower class which was more amenable to influences above it. So far as it was said to be a consolidating measure, he was bound to say that he agreed with Col. Whitmore. It might to some extent extend the franchise, but not very largely, its great merit was that it simplified the franchise. He did not believe tfiat it would add ten per cent, to those now on the roll. The late Colonial Secretary, Dr. Pollen, made a calculation comparing the number of votes on the roll in Victoria, where an extremely liberal franchise existed, with those on the roll in this colony, which showed that while the number of male adults in New Zealand was one-half of those in Victoria the number of electors in New Zealand on the roll was also one-half of tho numbers in Victoria. [Applause.] Ho asked them, therefore, whether it was at all probable that anything like sixty or seventy thousand were kept off the roll ? That was the Bill introduced last session, and if the present elections had to be held upon an electoral franchise which was not satisfactory, he asked them who was to blame for it? What happened to that Bill? Tho Bill as introduced into provided that in addition to tho special representation they already enjoyed, under which they elected four members, for whom only Maoris could vote—all Maoris who were on the ratepayers' roll, that was to say, who contributed to the revenue as white people did, should have a right to vote. That was tho principle of the Bill when it was introduced into the Legislative Council, and that was its condition when it was described by Sir George Grey in the words ho had quoted. Somewhat suddenly, however, an alteration was made by the Government by which all Maoris having any claim to any property whatever should have the right to vote. That caused a good deal of excitement, especially amongst those members who represented constituencies in which largo numbers of Maoris resided. Those members said that practically, in seven or eight districts in the North Island, tho white man who paid all the taxes and bore all the burdens, would be overridden by the Maoris who would not accept our laws, and who were exempted from many of our burdens. [Applause.] The feeling of the injustice and impolicy of that proceeding was so strong that it was with great difficulty that it was passed through tho House of Representatives. The Legislative Council, a more independent body, would not listen to that Bill, but amended it so as to bring it back to the shape it was in when it was first introduced, taking up tho view that anything further should be earned by tho Maoris, by placing themselves on the roll and bearing tho same burdens as the white settlers. It was sent back in that shape to the House of Representatives, and whatever may bo said about its not being acceptable to the House of Representatives, it will be found that a vast majority of the House of Representatives preferred tho Bill in that shape. But the Government put the utmost pressure on their sup.

porters. They wanted to use the Government influence over tho _ Maoris in those seven or eight constituencies, and they tried to induce tho House not to agree to the alteration. The Legislative Council was firm, and said that as long as there was exceptional legislation for tho Maories, and so long as the reasons for that exceptional legislation existed, —as set out in tho preamble to tho Maori Representation Bill, to the following effect: — “ Whereas, owing to tho peculiar nature of the tenure of Maori land and to other causes, the Native aboriginal inhabitants have heretofore, with few exceptions, been unable to become registered as electors, or to vote ” —they must expect to be treated exceptionally; they could not have special allowance made for them, and in addition have all the privileges of Europeans. He was a member of the conference which discussed the question with the House of Representatives, and he could assure them that all the members of the conference, when they found that the Government were likely to sacrifice the Bill for tho sake of the dual vote, felt a groat responsibility but they felt also that they were doing their duty to the white settlers and to the Maoris also, and that by tho stand they were taking they wore adopting tho best moans to prevent a large amount of heartburning and ill-feeling, to say nothing of the more serious difficulties and complications which might arise. Tney stood perfectly firm, and returned the Bill in tho shape in which it was introduced|J|and lauded by Sir George Grey ; but rather than accept it the Government throw it into tho waste paper basket. Ho submitted that if anyone was to blamo for the present elections being held under an unsatisfactory franchise it was the existing Government. [Applause.] He had in his hand the Bill which tho Government had introduced in the recent session. It was chiefly copied from the Victorian Act. It proposed to repeal existing franchises, to put on the roll every man who had been residing twelve months in the colony and six months in a particular district. With respect to the residential qualification, he must say that he preferred the provision in the Bill of last year. He thought that the old settlers in the country had a right to say that a man who had no other qualification should have been in tho country for a reasonable lime—say two years. That was not however of much importance, and would not make a difference of 5000 on tho roll; and he would not stand out on that account, although on tho whole ho preferred the two yea's’ requirement. Tho present Bill had some features of which they had a right to complain. It provided that every ratepayer should bo on the roll, and every resident for twelve months. And how was he to get tho vote ? Any person claiming to have an electoral right issued for any district must apply in person to the registration officer of tfie district, and in the presence of that officer should sign his name in tho form, and also in the butt of tho book, and should also pay a foe of two shillings. The Maori freeholder under a certain tenure was to sign his name and hiive his signature attested before a resident magistrate or registration officer without the payment of any fee. Tho Maori if ho could not sign his name was allowed to have his mark attested, but a European who could not sign his name was not allowed to have a vote. He could not see why a fee should bo required in the one case and not in the other. Those appeared to him to be objectionable features in the Bill. It was a specimen of the coddling of the Natives in which the Government had persisted, but ho would say that if they wished to raise them in the scale of civilization they must bo treated in the same way as Europeans ; place them under no disabilities, but at the same time do not give them any exceptional privileges. He would not allow men who had not due qualifications for tho exercise of political power to exorcise political power over the rest of the people. [Hear, hear.] Tho proper solution of the case he believed to be this : that the Maoris should, for tho present, have their exceptional representation continued to them. At present there were 40,000 Maoris, returning four members, one to every 10,000 of population. The steady increase of the European population, and the absence of any increase in the Maori population, would leave the proportion about the same. Tho Maoris should be allowed to retain their exceptional legislation, and should, in addition, have a a vote if they submitted themselves to bear tho same burdens as the Europeans, to the extent at least, of placing themselves on the ratepayers’ roll. The grievance was that in many districts of the North Island tho Europeans were rated to make roads used by the Maoris, who should be rated for them. It was a part of our political education that they should not have a vote until they are placed on the ratepayers’ roll. Further, the Bill did not contain a feature which it ought to contain, namely, a provision for the representation of minorities. It was very possible, for instance, in a city like Christchurch, where the population was large, say that there might be 4000 electors, of this number there might be 2100 in favor of one form of government, and 1900 in favor of another. Well, at present the 2100 can return the whole of the three members, and the 1900 have to go unrepresented. He did not think that was either fair or wise. He thought that n system ought to bo introduced into our Assembly similar to that which had been introduced in the old country. At any rate, that where there were large constituencies returning only three members that each elector should only have two votes. In that case the minority could always have some amount of representation. That was introduced in tho City of London with this remarkable result—that in the election before last the whole of the four members elected were Liberals ; but in the last election a certain change of political opinion had taken place —(it may be taken for granted, however, that a large proportion of the electors were Liberals)—and they, tho Liberals, returned one member, but they would have been entirely unrepresented only for the minority clause in the Representation Act. Ho would now refer to another feature he should like to see introduced into the Bill. If women had to pay rates as well ns men, why should not they have a vote ? [Hear, hear, and laughter.] Some gentlemen laughed at that, nevertheless he really thought they would come to the same conclusion as himself if they thought tho matter over, that women—a great many women, at any rate—were just as prudent, and ho was quite euro wore just as patriotic and anxious that the country should bo prosperous and that they might provide happy homes for their children, as men could be. [Applause.] Therefore he did not see why they should not be represented as well ns the men. [Hear, hear.] Now the next subject in the Liberal programme was that of triennial Parliaments. With regard to that point he had this to say, that since a great share of the Legislation of the country had boon transferred from the Provincial Councils to the General Assembly, ho thought the five years for which they were elected was becoming too long. For his own part he thought it would be better to try the experiment of lour years’ Parliament in the first instance, but he admitted there was considerable feeling in favor of triennial Parliaments. It was only a question of degree, and taking that into consideration ho should be perfectly willing to make it triennial instead of four years. The next question he had to deal with was a large one —namely, that of taxation. The features of the Government proposals in this respect were a property and income tax. It had been said that part of their political programme had been borrowed by the present Opposition from the Government, but it was perfectly certain that this part had been been distinctly and effectually borrowed by the present Government from the Opposition. With regard to this, he wished also to tell them not merely what ho thought now, but he wished to refer them to the facts which would establish what his opinions had been for some time. He was a member of the Government of Mr Stafford some ten years ago. At that time Mr Stafford declared himself in favor of an income tax, as an addition to the revenue was required. They made inquiries upon the subject, appointing a gentleman (who was a member ot the present Government) to make a report to assist them in deciding how far that could be carried. They found at that time the amount which an income tax would yield would be so comparatively small that it would not be wise to press the measure j objections being, perhaps

naturally, entertained against it on the ground of its inquisitorial character. Therefore it was abandoned. They then found it was too late, then, to propose a tax on property. They did not, it was true, stump the country and make the people believe they wore being oppressed by owners of property and endeavor to raise ill fooling about .the country. But they did recognise that property was not bearing its fair share of taxation, and therefore they brought forward—not, however, under the guise of a popular demand —the Stamp Bill, for the imposition ot a duty on stamps. In this they were opposed by gentlemen, now members of the present Government, bub succeeded in carrying the Bill. The stamp duties now received amounted to £300,000 a year, which was twice as much as was expected to be derived from the levying of the land tax, upon which the present Government so much prided themselves. Now, he asked them to form their own opinion upon what ho had done, [Cheers.] Ho agreed that it was perfectly right and fair that the burden upon property should be increased; but men who wished to increase that tax on property should do so without endeavoring to raise bad blood in the country with regard to the land tax. With the land tax as a tax upon properly he entirely agreed. He believed that property should bear a fair share of taxation ; but ho did not think that landed property apart from other property should be specially taxed. He could not see why farmers should be taxed while other classes of tho community who did not work so hard should be entirely exempt. Ho thought, however, he ought to give some reasons why ho thought the land tax, in its present shape, objectionable, and he would do so. It was contended that land should be taxed because tho cost of the railways was paid from tho general taxation of the country. Now, according to the statement delivered by tho Minister of Public Works, tho railways throughout the Middle Island were, at tho present time paying far and above working expenses—three per cent, on the cost of construction. Well, any gentleman who knew the characteristic features of the railways in Canterbury would know how cheaply they were made, and how cheaply worked ; and, with regard to tho railways in the other parts of the Middle Island, how expensive was their construction and working. Those gentlemen who knew these things must admit that if the railways io tho Middle Island were at tho present time on an average paying three per cent, on tho cost of construction, it must be true that the railways in Canterbury were paying a larger amount, say five per cent, on the money borrowed for railway construction. Then he wanted to ask if this cry, sot up by tho Government, was a justification of the Land Tax. Was it fair that their land should bo taxed for tho construction and working of railways in Otago ? Because that was really tho way in which that theory would work. [Applause.] He contended that if the land was merely to be taxed in order to pay the cost of constructing tho railways and their working, a fair account of what the Canterbury railways pay would exempt other land from taxation, [A voice—“ It is not a local matter !” ] Very good ; but ho held for all that they had a right to look to their own interests. [Hear, hear.] Well, with regard to tho land tax in its present shape, Mr Macandrew had propounded an idea that any deficiency which any railway might leave in the interest on borrowed money for construction, should be levied upon that district in which the railway exists; but he (Mr Hall) believed that it would be found exceedingly difficult at this time of day to carry that principle into execution. That was no doubt a right principle, as propounded by Sir Julius Vogel, and he was sorry he had abandoned it. If, however, the Government were to attempt to put it in practice now, they would find themselves surrounded by insuperable difficulties. The administration of the land ‘ tax up to the present time had been exceedingly unsatisfactory, and he believed that in this district the valuations had not given satisfaction. [Hear, hear.] In the district from which he came the complaints were just as loud. Ho could not altogether acquit the Government of blame in this matter. They showed a want of appreciation of the real difficulties of tho case, and he was afraid they were responsible for a good deal of the difficulties that had arisen in the carrying out of the law. He thought the exemption of improvements altogether was a mistake. [Mr Gammack — “ No.”] Well, Mr Gammack, I am bound to tell you what I believe. It was unfair as between the country and town districts. Just look at the large buildings erected in Christchurch, and the valuable suburban residences. They paid nothing, and whereas in tho country the improvements were comparatively small, yet on all property in the country they are called upon to pay a larger amount than those in the towns. Therefore he contended that the exemption was unfair. [Applause.] Another feature he had to touch upon was perhaps rather a delicate one, but he should tell them what his opinions were whether they were likely to approve of them or not. [Applause.] He was now about to refer to the groat question of the squatter interest. A principle of the land tax was that the owners of property should pay for several reasons. One was that tho owners of property could afford to pay, and another was that the property was improved by the railways. But what was the result in nine cases out of ten. In certain instances the leaseholder had to pay instead of the corporation whoso property he hold, and which was improved by tho railways. That was unfair. But there were still worse cases. Take the case of the squatter who holds his tenure from day to day, and has no proprietary right whatever in the land, ho has not only to pay what has been fixed upon as a reasonable rental for tho property, but has to pay the land tax just the same as if he wore actually the owner of tho land. That he submitted was absolutely iniquitous. [Applause.] Possibly ho might incur displeasure by ]tho declaration of such views ; but he would willingly face any amount of unpopularity in protesting against what he believed to be a great injustice. Ho was sure also that tho more his hearers went into that question, the more they would be inclined to believe with him that it was perfectly unjust. [Hoar, hea,r.] Tho proper solution of this question appeared to him to bo this—to have a land, property, and income tax. [Hear, hear, and a cry, “ That is what Government are doing.”] Well, all ho could say was, that they did not know that. They had not seen tho Bill yet, if that was what tho Government wore doing. Mr Gammack —If you had let them go on they would have brought in a property tax. Mr Hall —They did not give tho Opposition much encouragement to let them go on. As he was proceeding to say, tho proper solution of the question seemed to be that property should generally bo made to pay a fair share of the burden of taxation. He did not think property below a certain value should be altogether exempt, and ho did not think that precarious incomes, obtained from day to day, should pay the same ns fixed incomes derived from property. He did not think they should. This ho thought should be tho basis of future taxation—that property of whatever kind should pay proportionately. He, personally, would have to pay a good deal more under such a system than ho did at tho present time, but he would do so cheerfully, in the knowledge that it was most equitable, and because he know that some gentlemen who had perhaps fifty or sixty thousand pounds on mortgage at present unpaid, would also be included in the general distribution of the tax. [Applause and laughter.] Now _he would come to the question of disposing of the Native lands, which was a very important one indeed ; perhaps not so much in this part of the country, but still a very important question nevertheless. Ho saw by a speech recently delivered by the Prime Minister, that tho Government proposed to take back the right of pre-emption by the Crown —that is say, the right of the Crown to be tho sole purchaser of Native lands, with tho view of securing the Native lands for the small settlers, and not allowing them to go into the hands of large purchasers, which was no doubt an exceedingly desirable object. But he wished to make this remark, that it botray ;d great inconsistency on the part of the Government, and he would show them how this was. When the present Government entered office, one of the first things said was that they disapproved entirely with the Government having anything to do with

the Native lands —that they would wind up existing but non-completed purchases, and thou wash their hands of the whole affair. Under these circumstances, it was not fair to turn round upon those gentlemen who differ from tho Government proposals, and say that their object was simply to get the land from the Natives in largo blocks. [Hear, hear.] Well, the question was an exceedingly difficult one. There were two parties - to the bargain. Them were the Natives on the one hand and the Europeans on the other, and we must not forget in dealing with this question, that it had frequently been declored that tho Natives were entitled to all the privileges of tho British subject. One of the privileges of the British subject was that he should be allowed to do what ho liked with his own, and it would at once involve them in difficulties to say that the Natives should not do as they liked with their own, but must sell their lands to the Government and no one else. He did not pretend to come to a conclusion one way or tho other, but mentioned these things to show that the subject was one of considerable difficulty. He did not know whether there was any other question of policy that it was necessary to express to them his views upon. He would now, therefore, come to the question before tho electors at the present time, namely, whether the Goyarnment has fairly, wisely, and capably administered tho affairs of the colony. He was of opinion that they had not. He had been, comparatively speaking, a looker-on. Firstly, in the matter of the public expenditure, the Government came into office promising to make large reductions in the cost of the departmental services, saying they could reduce them within a short time to tho extent of £IOO,OOO. Well, they had now been in office two years, and with what result ? Why, it was shown by the Hon. Major Atkinson, during tho previous session, that the Government expenditure was larger at tho present moment than when they entered office. So far, then, they had entirely failed in their promises to reduce tho expenditure of the country.

Mr Gammaok—The House would not let them ; Ministers’ salaries, for instance. Mr Hall was glad Mr Gammack had reminded him of the question of Ministers’ salaries. He would say a word or two on that point. That was to be tho great card tho Government was to play—to commence by a proposal to reduce the salaries of Cabinet Ministers. It was quite true they brought forward a proposal to that effect. But there were different ways of bringing forward proposals. The Government might bring forward a proposal by simply throwing it on the floor of tho House, and leaving it for the House to accept or not. [Hear, hear.] On the other hand, they may make it a Government question, and announce it as a cardinal point in their policy by which they intend to stand or fall. If the Government had done that with their proposal to reduce Ministerial salaries, they would undoubtedly have carried it. But what actually took place ? Why, one of the Government supporters came up to move an amendment that the salaries should remain as they wore. Another supporter seconded it, and the amendment was carried by a large majority. But was the Government very angry about this ? [A voice—“ Not they!”] Well, he (Mr Hall) was bound to say this for them, that the Government had so much respect for the decision of the House that they never renewed tho proposal for a reduction. [Laughter.] But he would tell tho meeting what they did —they were so angry with the proposer and seconder of the amendment, that as soon as Parliament was over they made them both Justices of tho Peace. [Renewed laughter.] Therefore they had drawn their own salaries with considerable pleasure, no doubt, ever since. He did not blame them considering the duties they had to perform. [Hear, hear.] He did not consider tho salaries were too high, but he could not help having considerable misgivings as to the sincerity of their proposals on that head. He would follow the subject further now, and say that the Government had not only not reduced the expenditure, but they had been guilty of extravagance. Take, for ininstvneo, the constant running of Government steamers. Now, they were very energetic in protesting against tho use of the Hinemoa by their predecessors, but the Hinemoa had never been run so much for tho private convenience of Ministers as during the present regime. Further, one of tho members of the present Ministry, Mr Larnach, some time since wont to London to float a Land Company in which he was largely interested, and it was perfectly well understood he was going for that purpose. And what did tho Government do ? It turned out that he was given £2OOO and allowed his passage home, on tho supposition that he was to be instrumental in floating a loan for the colony in England, whilst there was not the slightest occasion for his services. That was a specimen of the administration of tho present Government. Another instance of misgovernmont was tho contempt for the authority of Parliament shown by tho Grey Ministry. Within a fortnight of tho meeting of Parliament they sanctioned the letting of a contract for the construction of a railway at Tapanui, in tho Otago district, without authority. That was a serious offence on the part of the Government, which ought not to bo overlooked. Then there was tho Thames and Waikato railway, A proposal was made during last session to construct a railway from the Waikato to the Thames. It was stated that the distance was 30 miles; tho cost to be £IBO,OOO. The railway was to extend from the Waikato to the nearest point on tho Thames River—To Aroha Now the Thames was one of the finest navigable rivers in the colony, and tho railway was to open up communication between the Waikato and the Thames, and the country on the lower part of tho Thames river. It was perfectly plain what was agreed upon that far. And what did the Government do ? Why instead of constructing this line of thirty miles at a cost of £IBO,OOO, they commenced a railway which was to be sixty miles in length, to cost twice as much as the sum voted by the House. He said therefore the Government had altogether exceedci the authority of tho House. They had done this also -a vote was pissed for £37,000, and they had spent £57,000. When a railway was wanted for this province some years ago, the Premier said—No, they could not enter into contracts of a large amount, and in the face of that the Government had acted as stated. The Act under which they have authority to construct railways provided that in order to prevent merely political lines of railway favored by Ministers of the day being constructed, no railway shall be let until the survey was completed, plans presented and approved of by the Governor in Council. Well, in the face of this, the plans for the Thames and Waikato railway were made, ho forgot whether in February or April, but they were never presented to the Governor in Council till July. Ho asked them whether, in the face of these facts, the Government had not been guilty of a gross dereliction of duty. Ho now camo to tho Native question. Native affairs, in his opinion, ought not to be made a political question, but still it was very necessary that they should preserve a careful watch over tho way in which they were administered. Now, how had the present Government dealt with the question of Native affairs. At the time of the decease of Sir Donald McLean Native affairs in the North Island were settling down. The Natives, if left to themselves—of course, he did not mean neglected—would gradually, as they were evincing a desire to do, fraternise with tho Europeans of their own accord. But tho present Government came in and they thought that the settlement of tho Native question could only be effected by them, that their personal influence with the Natives was so great as to enable them to do this at once. They made, ho thought, tho greatest possible mistake by asking tho Natives to meetings here and there, which only had the effect of making tho Natives more than ever disinclined to believe in us and to trust us. The result of this was that they became distrustful, and tho end was that the country was brought to very imminent danger of warfare again. On the west coast of the North Island the mistakes of the Government were very prejudicial. The Government decided to acquire the Waimate Plains. They were warned that tho surveyors might incur serious risk. [A Voice : “ You don’t know.”] Well, tho gentleman might know bettor thiju him (Mr Hall), but

he said that he had seen chapter and verse for what ho had stated, and, if time permitted, ho would quote chapter and verso to show that tho Government were warned as ho had stated They were warned that they might incur serious risk, yet they went on with tho survey; and notonly so, but they did so in parts where the Natives were to have largo reserves made which had not been laid out. They also carried tho survey line right into Titokowaru’s garden, which made the Natives suspect that tho reserves spoken of wore going to be taken from them. He said that by this conduct tho Government made things far worse than they were before. [Cheers.] How did they act when the Natives came ion to the land occupied by tho settlers and by tho Crown ? Under the guidance and inspiration of a fanatic, whose name bad become well known to them, the Natives proceeded to plough up tho land of the settlers. What was the action of the Government when appealed to by the settlors for protection ? Why to refer them to the Supreme Court. [Laughter, and a voice—" And very right too.”] Well, what would they think of a bailiff of the Supreme Court going to take a writ to a chief under the protection of Te Whiti, who had for months sheltered a murderer whom the Government dare not seize. [Cheers.] Ho said that this was utterly absurd. At Inst the settlers took upon themselves to turn tho Natives off the ground. Then tho Government took heart of grace, and they too turned the Natives off the land whore they had no right to be. Ho said that tho Government should have led the settlers and not allowed them to lead the Government. The Government had a considerable force at their command, and they should have done what they let the settlers do for themselves. Such a state of things was calculated to give the Maoris the very worst opinion of us and tend to endless trouble. [Cheers ] Then again, when Maoris went on the land on tho borders of this province, at Waitaki, what was done? They went on the private land there and caused infinite mischief with their dogs, &c. At last the settlers got the Native Minister to go there. This was about Christmas, and the Native Minister told the Maoris that if they were not off by Now Year’s Day ho would have them turned off. What was the result ? New Year’s Day came, February, March, April, May, June, and July, when the Assembly sat, and the Maoris were still there. Then came a petition to the House for compensation for sheep destroyed by the dogs of the Maoris, sent by the settlers upon whose land they had been so long. Then came the dissolution of Parliament, and in tho face of that twelve policemen went down, and the Natives went off. He said that the Government had grossly neglected their duty in leaving those Natives where they haa no right to be. Was this the way to instil feelings of submission into the Native mind ? As to the expenditure on the Native Department, they did not know yet what that had been. The Native Minister admitted that there had been on over expenditure on tho Native Department of something like £20,000. Ho believed that all this came cf coddling the Natives, and ho said that the time had now come when this coddling and the personal government of the Natives must come to an end. [Cheers.] There was no reason why this coddling should go on for ever. Treat them as Europeans were treated and then tho great mystery which surrounded the Native Office would be done away with. He did not go the length of some who desired to see the change all at once. Let it be done gradually, Let them do away with the idea that the system of managing the Natives was only revealed to a few, and he believed when this was done, and they came to look into it, they would find that it was far more simple than it was now made out to be. [Cheers.] If elected to represent them in Parliament, he should endeavor to see that a system was introduced for treating tho Maoris on tho same footing as the Europeans. [Cheers.] Another reason why ho said that tho Government had mismanaged the administration of the country was that they had tampered with the Press. The Press was a mighty power for good or for evil—for g'ood he was glad to say hero—but to enable it to do this it must be free, and not hampered by pecuniary trammels. Now, he charged the Government with attempting to tamper with the Press by moans of tho Government advertisements and tho special wire. What was the reason why the Government or private individuals advertised ? Why to give the greatest possible publicity. Was that to be attained by the Government when they gave their advertisements to papers on one side. [A voice : “ No, no.”] Well, those who say “ No, no ” to that, would say “No, no” to anything. The gentleman who did so would not deny that a newspaper had been established in Wellington belonging to the Government, and that when this was done the advertisements had been taken away from the old established newspaper and given to this Government newspaper, because the other one was opposed to the Government. [Cheers.] He did not care about newspapers, but he did care for the interests of tho public, and it was to their interest that the greatest publicity should be obtained, and to do this the advertisements must be given to all sides, and not to one only, [('beers.] Here in this province a great wrong had been committed, and the advertisements given to one paper, despite tho application to the Government by the Peess Company. [Cheers.] He said that a grievous wrong had been committed to tho public who only road one paper. Let them take the case of the land tax notices, in which they were all interested. These had been advertised in the “ Lyttelton Times ” only, and not in the Peess. [Cheers.] He said that it was wrong, and that no Government should buy support in this way. He was not exaggerating when they saw such things as this done. Tho other day the Government advertised in tho “ Lyttelton Times ” for tenders for the conveyance of freight from Wellington to Wanganui, It could not interest Canterterbury, as there were no small steamers available hero, and he was told in tho House that in Wellington where there were many small local steamers which could go in for a contract such as this, no advertisements wore inserted because the newspapers were not in favor of the Government. [Hear, hear.] Tho amount of dissatisfaction which this conduct had evoked had such an effect that at the commencement of the session the Government themselves moved for a committee to see what was best to be done in the matter. It was said then that this looked very much like death bed repentance, and that the Government wished those who followed them not to have the advantages they had possessed by means of the power of giving those advertisements to those papers only who were in favor of them. Whether this was so or not he could not say, but ho said that this was an exceedingly wrong principle for any Government to adopt. [Hear, hear.] As to tho special wire, which was another charge of mismanagement of administration against the Government, it transpir d that an arrangement had been made between tho Government and tho proprietors of those newspapers which supported the Government to give tho latter tho advantages of a special wire. When this came out tho feeling was so strong that the Government had to say that they would give the same privileges to the other section of the newspapers of tho colony. But their friends had got tho start, and had been enabled to secure the co-operation of other papers, so that for what cost one paper in Christchurch £I2OO a year the other only had to pay £:i00 a year. [Cheers.] Thus it would be seen that the Government friends bonefitted to tho extent of £9OO per annum. This ho called tampering with what the public of any country should take care to preserve free of any such practices. [Cheers.] If they allowed the Press of the country to be bribed the foundation of their freedom would at once be snapped. [Cheers.] He further objected to the Government because of their conduct with regard to the Canterbury land fund. They in Canterbury had kept the price of their land at £2 per acre for a reason which he would explain presently. Now let him give them a few figures to show the financial position in this matter. In Auckland there had been sold 2,168,000 acres of Crown land, realising £314,460; in Otago and Southland 2,980,000, realising £2,670,000; in Canterbury 2,359,000, realising £3,604,000.

That was because they in Canterbury had been content to pay £2 per acre for their land, on condition that the proceeds should be applied towards making roads and bridges to enable them to get access to their land. Well, what was done when this Government came into office ? They ignored this condition—one of the principal implied conditions, under which they paid £2 per acre for their land—seized the land fund, which in 1878 amounted to £900,000, money which was paid to make the land accessible. [Cheers.] They did more than this. In 1877 Mr Rolleston, who always had the interests of the province at heart, inserted a clause in tho Financial Arrangements Bill by which any sum found to bo surplus should be paid over in March. Well, they knew what a struggle they had had. The Government told us they should take out of this £7OOO for correction of surveys and £IOO,OOO for tho Lyttelton harbor works loan, although it was distinctly included in tho provincial debts taken over by the colony. They net only seized our land fund, but also the accrued amount. They no doubt remembered the famous struggle which tho Road Boards had had to get it, and he desired specially to mention tho services rendered in this cause by their late member, Mr Stevens, who was specially qualified to deal with the matter. [Hoar.] Well, they had the Government brought to book, and the Public Accounts Committee, with the solitary exception of the Treasurer, declared that tho money was duo, and should be paid. [Hear.] Had it been paid ? We had had £55,000 of it, and now some months after it should have been paid, they were told that it is in tho Loan Bill. He said that the Government had done a groat wrong in this matter to Canterbury as a whole, and to tho districts concerned in particular. [Cheers.] He would ask them what tho condition of that district in particular would bo if they did not get their share of the land fund. [A Voice—“Wo have got plenty in’tho Ba. k.”] Well, he thought that, even if this was so, they would find that the ratepayers would say that they wanted tho money which was duo to them. [Cheers.] Whether they wanted it or not, it was theirs, and they had a right to have it. [Cheers.] Another reason why he said that the Government had failed in their administration of the affairs of tho colony, is the deplorable state of our Lunatic Asylums. It is sad to gee the state in which our Lunatic asylums are ot the present time, as described in the straightforward and manly reports of the Inspector in giving an account of tho way in which our fellow-creatures who arc deprived of their reason, and who have the strongest claims on our sympathy, have been dealt with. They are described as being cooped up in such numbers in unsuitable places that the very air is vitiated. The Inspector says that some of the asylums are in such a state as to be a mockery to call them establishments for the treatment of the insane. We hear of mess rooms being used as dormitories. Take the case of Sunnysido Asylum. Though the Provincial Council in its last session set aside the sum of £20,000 f«r enlargement, little or nothing had been done. Look again at Addington gaol. There was accommodation for only twenty-one prisoners, yet there were forty there. The debtors had to mix in the same yard with criminals. Yet, week after week, he (Mr Hall) went to see the Minister of Justice, when in Wellington, to urge that something should be done. He promised that it should be, but it never was. Yet alongside the gaol was a large concrete building, which only required furnishing. It had been built by the Provincial Government, and would afford accommodation for fifty or sixty prisoners. As be had said, it only wanted fitting up, yet tho condition of Addington Gaol was to day the same as in 1878 when he had over and over again impressed the necessity of a change being made on tho Government. The condition of tho gaol was lamentable, though it had been urged upon the Government time after time. He thought that he had given them facts enough to prove that tho charges against tho Government for their maladministration were well founded. He believed they were. He was free to confess, as one having had experience, that any Government which had been in office for two years must have many short comings to answer for. But he must confess that the maladministration by this Government of the public affairs of the colony was without precedent in its history, and that whatever laws they might have it was necessary that they should put the administration into other hands. On this indeed the Government themselves made little or no defence. Indeed they really allowed judgment to goby default. When charges of mismanagement were brought against them they did not deny it but said, ‘ Oh we want to give the country a liberal policy, and because you don’t want this you oppose us.” There was only one champion who stood forwardgto defend them, and that was a lale member of the Ministry, Mr Stout, of whom he wished to speak in the highest possible terms, though opposed to him in politics. [Cheers.] Ho was tho man who kept the Ministry from decay, and was one with whom before going into a contest with him one would wish to shako hands—[cheers]—as it would be quite certain ho would fight fair, and that the best man would win. [Cheers.] He differed widely from Mr Stout in opinion, but he (Mr Hall) believed that he was a man of whom Now Zealand ought to be proud, possessing as ho did great natural ability, and he trusted to see him once more take his place in tho Parliament of the colony. [Cheers.] It had been said—and perhaps rightly, too—that there must be two parlies to carry out tho work of the constitution of tho colony properly, but he asked them not to be led away by mere sham distinctions. Hobelieved that the division as now sought to be done, into liberals and conservatives, was a mere sham. What one man might call a liberal another man might call a conservative. Nothing led to such confusion as such names, which after all wore mere names. He told them what he believed and what measures he should bo prepared to support, and they could then call him what they pleased. Bat there was a struggle between two parties—one who desired to see the Government of the colony carried out in a constitutional manner, and one who do.-ired to see that Government carried out under the rule of one man. [Cheers.] Ho had not said anything against Sir George Grey. His services to the Empire and to the colony, his age, and his talents, entitled him to bo spoken of with respect. [Cheers.] But Sir George Grey had gone out of his way to attack him (Mr Hnll) tho other evening at tho Oddfellows’ Hall, and he asked them to bear with him for a few moments whilst ho tried to reply to that criticism on his. [Cheere, and a voice—“ He did not go out of his way.”] Well, perhaps ho thought it was likely he (Mr Hall) might be in his way. [Laughter.] Sir George Grey, as I take it from what he said, seems to think that I have no right to ask you for your suffrages. These are his reasons:—“ You have here a Legislative Council that is constituted in this way —Tho Queen nominates the members to sit there lor life, and any member who accepts tho office in honor acoeptn it for his life. There is a mutuality of compact between tho two. If tho Queen is pledged to maintain him there for his life, clearly ho accepting that condition on Her Majesty’s part, should sit there for life. There is a power undoubtedly given of resignation, but that power of resignation was given to be exercised in cases ot illness or family allliction, or from any causes which might necessitate retirement from active public life. Ho was bound to bis S rvereign—if she was bound to keep him in tho Council for life —to servo her for life ; otherwise the whole Council might at any time resign for objects of their own, and leave her Majesty without any Council at all. And I say that here, especially in this province, the powerful families have given to tho members they put in a privilege which none of their fellowsubjects possess. For instance, Mr John Hall has twice used tho Council for this purpose. He has been twice put in the Council for life when he could not get a seat in tho House of Representatives or for other reasons. Twice has he broken his compact with her Majesty. Twice has ho used tho Legislative Council as a mere convenience, and, resigning his scat, has come out again to struggle to represent tho people in the House of Representatives.” Now ho held in his h ad tho Constitution Act. What did it say ? Under the head of Legislative Council, “ Legislative Councillors

may hold their seats for life.” Not shall but may. Another clause provides that a Legislative Councillor may resign his seat by writing under his hand. (Clause 35.) There was an absolute power of resignation. Where did they find any mention of the now doctrine now propounded by the Premier for the first time, that Legislative Councillors could only resign their seats from sickness or family affairs. They would not find it in the Constitution Act. They would find it only in the fervid magination of the party leader who wished to object to the election of a gentleman who, as gome one in the hall put it just now, might be in his way. [Cheers. J Sir George Grey said that ho (Mr Hall) had broken faith with her Majesty. Now this was a very serious charge to make against any one, but more particularly against a man who had hold the position of a representative of the people. [Cheers.] Ho (Mr Hall) had resigned his seat to go before the electors of Heathcote who had elected him. When he was again called to the Legislative Council after resigning his seat in the Lower House through ill-health, if be had broken faith with her Majesty it would surely have been the duty of the representative of the Crown to have told him of his broken faith. Well, he did not do so, and he (Mr Hall) remained one of his Council until the representative of the Crown loft the colony. And who was this representative of the Crown P Why, Sir George Grey. [Cheers.] Then he (Mr Hall) was told, which amused him, that he had been put in the Legislative Council because be could not get a seat in the Assembly. Well, to this ho would just say this, that Sir George Grey must have known very little of Canterbury politics, because he (Mr Hall) had always been treated with such kindness by the people of Canterbury that he ran the danger of being spoiled. As a matter of fact, he never came before a constituency that he had not been elected, and had sat for the Heathcote consecutively longer than any other member in the House. [Cheers.] He said this, that Sir George Grey had not only tried to prevent the exercise by him (Mr Hall) of his right as an eh ctor of New Zealand, but also—which he (Mr Hall) resented most—had tried to interfere with the right of that constituency to elect whom they pleased ns their representative. [Cheers.] Prom the way in which this had been received both there and in the Oddfellows’ Hall at Christchurch Sir George Grey, ho thought, had not taken much by his move. [Cheers.] The worst feature of Sir George Grey—and he (Mr Hall) desired them to remember that he said nothing of him that might be taken as offensive—was that he stigmatised all people who were opposed to hin as land sharks, as persons who desire to restrict the franchise, and to prevent the people from becoming liberal, Sir George Grey, as he had told them in the Oddfellows’ Hall, was the author of the Constitution ; but the franchise, now, was far more liberal than the one he had inserted in that Constitution. [Cheers.] As to the formation of large landed estates, personally he (Mr Hall) had a great objection to it; but who had done his best to bring that about but Sir George Grey ? At the time of the passing of the Constitution he had power to inaugurate what land regulations he thought proper in any part of the colony, except the Canterbury block, which was for certain reasons exempted. He promulgated what was known as Sir George Grey’s regulations, and these were so framed as to admit of large landed estates being created. Had this been done in the Canterbury block, enabling land therein to be sold at 10s per aerdj would that not have created a large landed estate hero. [Mr Hall then went on to state that ho had been the proposer in the Legislative Council to do away with primogeniture, so as to prevent the formation of largo landed estates, and also that the Legislative Council had passed the Bill.] He was not going out of his way to attack Sir George Grey, but he had only replied as well as he was able to the attack made upon him (Mr Hall) at the Oddfellows' Hall. Sir George Grey denied being an autocrat, but the truth was he had grown grey as Governor of Crown colonies, and had had absolute power so long that he was unable to subside into the position of a constitutional Minister—one amongst many, and who would bo able to sink his own opinions in the interests of the people. He was totally unfitted by his past life to take the position of a constitutional Minister. He thanked them very much for the manner in which they listened to him that evening. He had stated as fully as he was able from the limited time at his disposal, the opinions he held upon the subjects that would come before them during the present] election. Those opinions he sbbuld endeavor, if elected, to give effect to so far as ho could. But he did not ask them alone to judge him by what ho had stated. For the past twenty-five years he had been in the service of the public, both in the Provincial Council and the General Assembly, and he believed he might say with truth that he had never spared himself in the public service. [Loud cheers.] He had had to resign his seat for the Heathcote, which he had occupied for an unprecedentedly long time, from broken health, and to seek comparative retirement in the Legislative Council. Now he was comparatively restored to health, and as the time had arrived when, in his opinion, it was the duty of every man to put his shoulder to the wheel to help to extricate the coach of State from the difficulties into which it had fallen, he once more stood before them. [Loud cheers.] If they did him the honour to return him as their representative, he would do his best to guard the interests of the Solwyn district and those of the colony in general as faithfully as he had done in the past for that constituency which bad returned him so long. Once more he begged to thank them for their kind and patient hearing. [Loud and continued cheering.] In answer to questions,

Mr Hall said that, he might Bay, as regarded free trade or protection, in a now country free trade principles could bo subjected to a considerable modification. They must establish other industries besides farming, and where a small amount of encouragement in the way of moderate protection was needed for the development of these industries, it would bei good thing. For instance, furniture might bo protected slightly, so as to enable it to bo produced. Ho was not in favor of taxing the raw materials coming from any country. As to farming materials, ho was in favor of their being introduced free, as now. He thought they would get a much better idea of what his opinions were by his stating what measures ho would support. He thought that the corn and timber duties in future in two ends of the colony should go together. He thought before any steps were taken in connection with tho reimpesilion of the timber duties it was necessary that it should be ascertained whether, as stated, its appeal had caused many men to be thrown out of employment. If it was found that this was so, then it would be worth their while to reimposo tho timber duty, and then if this were done then it would only ba fair to this part of tho colony that the corn duty should bo roimposed. These duties were remitted together and should be imposed together. As to whether ho was a Liberal or a Conservative, he had stated that he objected to be called by any name whatever. Tho name of Liberal might convey to one person quite a different thing to what it did to another. Ho told them what measures he would support, and then it would be for them to decide for themselves whether ho was what they called a Liberal or a Conservative. As to what course lie should take to remedy the present state of things, he should endeavour to improve tho representation, to raise such taxation as might bo required by a tax upon property generally, he would also endeavour to increase the franchise and to introduce economy into their own administration. As regarded borrowed money, he should not be in favor of borrowing any more after the present five millions were borrowed. As regarded the questions handed up by Mr Gammock, ho said that ho could scarcely remember whether ho had introduced a measure giving runholdors preemptive rights over their runs, except a strip round Christchurch. So far as he recollected, it was that until lands were (brown open for sale tho runholders should have preemptive rights, and that when the settlement came tho runs should go further back. This was the principle which had been carried out by the other settlements of

Zealand, and had been devised for the nitration of settlement, and to prevent it ; scattered. He was of opinion that the airy had been extremely well settled, the question of his talcing - art in the restriction of the franchise oy making it imperative on an elector to have his claim signed by a Justice of the Peace. As regarded whether he had opposed the ballot, ho had done so because, as he stated at the time, he regarded the franchise as a trust, which the State should know how it was exercised; but as the ballot had been carried, he had acquiesced. He was of opinion that the Catholics were now suffering under very great restrictions as regarded their making use of the system of educotion because of their opinions, and he would bo in favor of giving them relief if possible. He might say that he had not made up his mind to say that he would support a grant to Homan Catholic schools, but he was of opinion that the Catholics had a good case. He would support a measure granting them a subsidy on the number in attendance, unless some better method could be devised for meeting the case of the Catholics. As regarded nominated Boards, he was in favor of elective Boards, except perhaps in regard to Harbor Boards, on which s 'mo of the members should be nominated by the Government. He was not aware that he had had anything to do with the Canterbury Kivers Act. He should be prepared to support a proposal to render a large majority of the members of these Boards elective. [Some gentlemen was engaged in discussing at great length the Canterbury Rivers Act when, it being 10 p.m., our reporter had to leave for town.]

MESSES MOORHOUSE AND FENDALL AT ASHLEY BANE.

A meeting of the electors of this district was held at the Ashley Back schoolroom on Monday evening. About seventy were present. The candidates in the field—viz, Messrs W. S. Moorhouse, W. C. Feudal!, and L. O. Williams—were present. Mr H. Blackett was voted to the chair. The Chairman expressed his pleasure in introducing their old friend Mr Moorhouse, to whoso past services the public of the colony, and particularly Canterbury, was greatly indebted for (the promotion of public works and the fostering of local industries. Mr It. C. Williams said he desired, before Mr Moorhouse spoke, just to say a word or two. Both Mr Feudal! and himself, the local candidates, held similar views in opposition to those of Mr Moorhouse, and rather than split the votes he had decided to retire from the contest. Mr Moorhouse, who was well received, said he might suggest that his friend Mr Fendall might take a similar wise course. [[Cheers and laughter]. 3lr Fendall said he did not intend to accept it. He was in the bands of the electors, and had made up his mind to fight the battle out. Mr Moorhouse said that, as time was precious, and the reporters of the dailies had a long way to go to return to their offices, he would only detain the electors with a few words, which were supposed to disturb the peace of the district between himself and his friend Mr Fendall. He had no apology to offer_ in coming forward. He had bean a public servant for twenty-five years. During those years they had had time to consider the weak side of his character. He felt that he was only inferior to his friend Mr Feudal! in local knowledge, but had greater colonial experience than him. [Hoar, hear, from Mr Fendall.] In a matter of colonial representation the question of local knowledge was likely to be supplied to a member, but if they wanted local representation no doubt a gentleman like Mr Fendall, who claimed to have been a member of a Hoad Board, could meet the ideas of some of those who preferred a local man with talent in that direction [laughter] ; but their local man would have not so much influence as he would lyrve in dealing with any of the leading questions of the day in Parliament. In knowledge of local wants and legislation for local bodies, he could lay claim to having assisted in the drafting of the first Roads Ordinance, and the first Municipal Ordinance which were adopted in Canterbury, and used in reference to the Christchurch Council, of which the Hon. J. Hall was the first chairman. He (Mr Moorhouse) had further to say that in another part of the colony he had occupied the position of mayor of a municipality, and he might say that he gave way to no one in the matter of acquaintance with local government. During the twentyfive years that he had served and sinned—[laughter]—among them ho still retained the consciousness that he had proved faithful to the trust reposed in him, and that he had left the Civil Service when he was a member of it at any rate better than he found it, and he never took a shilling away. [Cheers.] All he took was a consciousness that he had done his duty. It was stated by some of Mr Fendall's supporters that he had no claim on the district, yet he would remind them that he, (years ago, before some of them were in the country, started tha great public works scheme in the beginning of the railways in the province. (Cheers.) It was always pleasing for him to come here where he was known. (Cheers.) It was stated by some that ho was a mute, as no notice of speeches made by him in the Assembly were recorded, and that he drew his honorarium and went to sleep quietly. Now he never wont into print, and he had never written to a paper, beyond three letters, since he gave up the editorship of the “ Lyttelton Times.” He at one time had the honor of bearing on his shoulders many of the principal offices of the country in connection with the administration of government. When he did write, one was an explanation, and the other was a critique on himself. (Laughter.) While he never wrote to papers, he never shrunk from coming out at public meetings. The most useless members of Parliament [were those who were constantly talking and talking promiscuously. [There would be a Mr Smithers from some remote Eart of the country who would occupy whole ours with rapid speeches, and a Mr A. would put on the notice paper notices of questions which entailed a waste of time and a waste of money in printing to answer them, when had ho been of a more practical turn of mind he might have obtained the information more readily at less cost. The supposed active] member was the conspicuous patriot who was always appealing to the public, but if they turned to the papers to sec his’speeches they would find that ho had wasted very little of the time of the House in order to bring himself into publicity. The real power was not in the men who demonstrate their views in the House, but very often in a few exchanges with the Ministry, and ends are gained in this way which were not got by blatant 'speeches. He congratulated himself that he did not waste public time and public money in useless talking. [Cheers.] He was attacked also on the ground that he belonged to a party, and like a faithful soldier he felt proud of it. "While glad to assist a Ministry in benefiting the country as a humble supporter, he might say he had been also honored in being asked to lead. If two men rode on one horse, one must ride behind. [Laughter.] Sometimes a man must take a following position to support the leaders, and the latter would be useless without the former. While the strong men might take a lead, there was always a time when the old men wore required to bring out former recollections. Tho old men of the tribe wore always resorted to for experience and advice. [Hear, hear.] Without detaining them long ho would refer to Sir G. Grey. Much as ho admired him, and his attainments as a scholar and a man of the world, he conld not agree with his political tendencies. If they elected him, he could meet Sir George Grey vis a vis in the House, and he did not intend to refer to him with any disrespect, yet he must say ho disagreed with his policy, and should not think ho was doing justice to the Ashley electors if he endorsed it. Sir George might bo inspired, and fancied he had taken a proper line of policy, but it would be found not to be in agreement with the popular opinion. Sir George had only been in the Government about seven years, and know but little about it. He compared Sir G. Grey to an actor a few years ago appearing in a heavy tragedy of Shakespeare’s. His present role was a very light comedy. He is now amusing the public by trying to convince them that it is not right to hold large estates. Now, how are we going to test this ? Say all of us in this room were to start in life with five or ten shillings a day, and twelve of us work harder and with more energy than the rest, would anyone object to our receiving a larger reward ? Where is the . incentive to Industry and thrift it you do not concede to a man what he has earned ? All property hero is the produce of labour, and it ’would be a miserable world which placed a <J imit on industry. When Sir G. Grey proposed o place a limitation on large estates he was in-

dined to suspect his sincerity. Further, how he was going to bring about an equalisation he could not say. Profligate persons or largo families might disperse large estates and cause their reduction, which, by the way, web not an uncommon occurrence. [An interruption by a person who said he had no vote here occurred.] The speaker congratulated him upon relieved of all responsibility to the State, and said that his grandchildren, if he had any, might, by means of a small subscription, make a man of him. [Laughter.] There was no law could be devised by statute by which the acquisition of large or small estates could be controlled. If he had a large estate, it was possible to distribute it by public or private charity. Some years ago persons I would be surprised to hear of the Peabody I donations and the like, but recently they were not so surprising—though they might be in this country. He should bo glad to make I acquaintance with their wants, and was pleased to see the strides or march of progress made in that district. Their roads, except that from Rangiora across the Ashley—(laughter)—were very creditable. As the I district was well served by the railways, he I did not see how they could be increased, but I they might be extended if the capital was to I be obtained, in orddr that the country might 1 be brought to a perfect state of development. I It had never been a principle of his to advocate borrowing ; and while he said that his character was such that his banker always I said “What a sanguine man you are!” I When he became their chief officer in this I province ho took the powers for borrowing, but Ihe might say he never used them. When he left office the chest was £6OOO in credit, although he had taken borrowing powers to the extent of £750,000. He mentioned this to show that he would never go to the moroy market to borrow without good grounds for doing so. Nor should he lose sight of the fact that the present indebtedness of the colony reached fifty millions, and the gross I exports were not equal to more than ten per I cent, of that amount. How were we therefore to pay working expenses ? By Sir George Grey and his colleagues it is proposed to increase the borrowing power, and if he was returned he should urge caution in this respect, advising that it would be unwise to borrow more than £5,000,000. He shared with Sir George Grey his hopefulness in the resources of the country, and he, like himself, must have been largely impressed with the importance of Canterbury. In conclusion, he had to say that since he came down to Canterbury to contest these elections, he did so against all comers. He asked Sir G. Grey if he was coming, and was told that he had not then been invited. Ho subsequently was asked to stand for Christchurch, and he (Mr Moorhouse) retired in his favor. Finding the Ashley district open, he went abroad into it. Mr Fendall had since come forward, and recently, on comparing notes at a public place in Christchurch, finding they were both .on the same platform, he had asked his worthy friend to retire. Mr Fendall refused to retire without taking the advice of the electors. He found that Mr Fendall had a manly confi. dence iu his chance of success, and if he was not gratified at his own return, he should be glad to see that a gentleman like Mr Fendall would be, who was able to exert as much influence his place in the Assembly as on his much prized Road Board. He would now be glad to answer any questions that might be put to him.

_Mr Fendall said Mr Moorhouge had given him an opportunity to retire, but he declined to do bo, more so seeing the opponent he had. While he well understood Mr Moorhouse’s old claims and his connection with its public works, ho had decided that he was not the man to represent an agricultural district. He ought to have stood in town to keep the enemy out. He pointed out that though Mr Moorhouse made the tunnel, he could not do it without the wish of the public, and every man must have his day. He (Mr Fendall) expected to have his day, and to represent the district as well in Parliament as in the Hoad Board. He pointed out that gentlemen who might be town residents were not likely to represent the farming districts. In next session a matter of great interest would be the distribution of seats on the basis of population, in order that the representation of the towns might not preponderate to the disadvantage of the districts. If towns were to be so represented in the case of London it ought to represent more than the whole of Scotland. He would advocate a division of this district at the Ashley. Ho thought it would simplify matters if the mode of registration underwent some improvement. In towns there must, of course, be a lodger franchise. He was not in favor of manhood suffrage entirely, as he saw that in a district like the Cheviot at present the moving population there would seriously influence any election if their votes could be purchased, and a case of grog might buy many of them. [A voice : “ That’s your opinion.”) He was in favor of shorter Parliaments, either three or four years, or any period which was thought advisable. The seats should not be allowed always to fall into the hands of wealthy men, and canvassing by paid canvassers should be done away with. On taxation he objected to the land tax, being in favour of a property tax. In this case of Sir George Grey’s taxation under that Act, it was not satisfactory, though he accepted Sir G-eorge Grey’s explanation. A land tax, he thought, would prevent the acquiring of large estates to the injury of people in the country. They had seen that in this district, as the land locked up had acted as a barrier to the extension of the railway. Land which would carry its hundreds of families was being locked up by large runholders. France was not a rich country, but the great number of small properties had enabled her to pay off the war indemnity. These questions affected the country more than the towns, and that was a reason why the country ought to be represented. This, more than anything else, would induce him not to support any supporter of the Atkinson Government. He was in favor of the prudent carrying out of public works. They wore in favor of the extension of the present railway, and he did not agree with Mr Blair’s report. [Cheers.] His opinion was that a Royal Commission, even if it cost some thousands, should decide the question of the extension of a railway, and that it should not bo left to one man. [Hear, hear.] Ho did not agree that because the land was in the hands of the private holders the railway ought to stop. The Atkinson Government was to blame for allowing it to be locked up. The traffic on this railway would bo a minor consideration compared with the advantage of getting away the exports and bringing in the coal. If elected he would support the extension of the railway, and endorsed Sir George Grey’s views on that question. He was in favor of attention to economy in expenditure. He was in favor of the existing free, secular, and compulsory system of education. He had seen the denominational system tried, and it had failed. The Sunday school teaching, though not sufficient, could not be incorporated in the Act, but it was evidently the intention of the Legislature that the ministers of religion should take advantage of a portion of the Act which did not prohibit religious teaching. He was in favor of the distributing the banking accounts. Regarding the Native question, all he had learnt was from the papers, and was inclined to agree with Mr Montgomery’s address, in which he said he thought the mystery which surrounded Native affairs ought to be removed. Ho was in favor of a tax on the Chinese. He came forward in their interests. His interests wore identical with theirs, and he hoped they would return him, or if they could got a better local man. He did not feel inclined to retire in favor of a town man, whoso interests were not Canterbury interests, and a North Island man, [Applause.] Mr Moorhouse said he need only say that he had no town 'property. [Laughter.] He held about 2000 acres of purely rural land, and that would probably give a sufficient reply. [Cheers.] On this property in trust for his family, he would probably retire after ho had done battle with the vigorous politicians like Mr Fendall. [Cheers.] He could only hope his father’s friend and near relation would still bo returned. [Cheers.] In reply to Mr Peach, he said he did not like the land tax. Ho did not object to the incidence of the tax, but he objected to the time taken to impose that tax. Considering the small profit derivable from that tax, he considered it was not right to frighten away capital. He denounced the free breakfast rubbish. The maintenance of the tax on

sugar could not possibly be felt while that on imported grain and timber was serious, and the land tax had the irritating effect of a flea or a sand-fly. When the iniquitous runholders had gone west, and the runs were covered with smiling farms and recking chimnies, then would be the time to tax the runholders when English capital was no longer wanted.

To Mr W. A. Burt—Was in favor of the extension of the line to the West Coast. When

in office as Superintendent, he caused a line to be surveyed over the Hurunui Saddle, because ho saw an indirect profit in the connection of the east and west of Canterbury. He was inclined to think Mr Blair’s report ought to be accepted for its information, and its recommendation ought to be dealt with by the governing power.

To Mr 0. Ensor—He could not say what the banking arrangement was, but it was possible that a combination of the banks in taking deposits might cause a monopoly, and destroy existing competition. To Mr Houghton—He was opposed to the Grey Government, and bad no engagement to bring the Atkinson Government into power, but was prepared to join with a good Government, and to make a clean breast of it he was in a position to join a .Government. [Hear, hear].

Mr Fendall, in replying to Mr Whatman— Would not be prepared to consent to a division of the Ashley County except under great pressure. If the Act was to be brought into force, then he thought there ought to be a division on the resolution only of a majority of the ratepayers. To Mr Peach—Had not gone into the question as to whether he would support the present game law. The question of licenses ought to be a subject for legislation. In reply to Mr Ellwood, in 'e-ertnee Local Option Bill, Mr Moorhouse replied that public nouscs holding licenses establisned under the authority of law must be compensated. Mr Fendall gave the same answer, adding he would support any measure which would tend to discourage drinking. Those who wanted to stop drinking by law, he was afraid, in same instances defeated their own ends by going to excess. In reply to Mr Thompson, Mr Moorhouse thought the present licensing system was nearly perfect. The legislature could only do good in the well ordering of hotels. If a man drank till it became chronic, the best remedy for the evil it seemed would be the death of the man. [Laughter.! Mr Fendall said that there was great negligence shown by the police in supervising the licensed houses. If the police had done their duty the hotels in this district would have long ago been closed. Two infringements of the law ought to cause the witharawal of the license.

To Mr Brock—He said he was not a supporter of Sir O, Grey. He was not an out and out supporter of his. He would support a good Government. He could not go in with the Atkinson Government.

Mr James Thompson asked if Mr Fendall as a J.P. did not consider that he ought to have informed against the breach of the Act referred to by him? [Applause.J Mr Fend all’s answer was that it was not the duty of J.P.’s to turn informers. (Cheers ) Ho told older J.P.’a than himself. (A Yoice ~ •Porhapa the largeat glass on the tray was for Mr Fendall ” —Laughter.) Mr Thompson considered that Mr Fendall, as a Licensing Commissioner, did not perform Ins duty, and ought to have given information tO if>r o (Hear, hear and laughter.) Cunningham moved, Mr Brock seconded, a vote of thanks to the candidates, M.r O jNeill moved, Mr Graham seconded an amendment “ That this meeting passes a vote of confidence in Mr Fendall.” Ten voted for the amendment and twelve against it. The motion was then carried. A vote of thanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings. SIB GEOBOB OBEY AT LYTTELTON. Sir George Grey addressed a Lyttelton audience last night in the now warehouse belonging to Messrs P. Cunningham and Co. There were on the platform the Hon. J. T. Fisher, the Mayor (Mr Allwright), and Mr T. Merson. Mr All wright took the chair, saying it was his privilege as Mayor to do so. He then claimed a fair hearing for the speaker. Sir George Grey, in the course of his remarks, the bulk of which have already been reported in his speech in Christchurch, said he thought the Premier of the country ought to speak occasionally to the people. He should be able to lead public opinion, and should bestow some of his time in instructing the people on the views he believed to be for their good. He then adverted to the little influence the disturbances of Saturday night had upon him in setting forth his views. Ho said he was anxious that all should unite at this time, as he believed there was a crisis in the affairs of the colony, and for this reason he appeared before them that night. He then passed on to repeat the remarks of Saturday night with reference to the Government of England by an aristocracy. In reference to New Zealand, the same legislation had to a degree prevailed, and he instanced that in the construction of the railways the same thing had been repeated. The lands through which these lines passed were benefited, but had only been taxed in proportion to their enhanced value. The owners of such lands had them legalised for their own benefit. The Premier next repeated his remarks of Saturday on representative matters, and upon what he termed “ pocket boroughs.” In reference to the franchise, he urged that every man who paid taxes in the country and was of age should have a vote. On education he spoke of the early days of his life and the bad condition of the educational laws in England and Ireland at that time, and urged the necessity for the best education laws possible being framed for New Zealand, in the same language almost as he used on Saturday night. Ho thought that education should be such that all men should be reared in political knowledge. Ho the'a repeated his previous speech about the necessity for making the Legislative Council elective. The difficulty he found was the scarcity of suitable men—men versed in politics. He was, however, in favor of taking new material to old, as the latter generally held onesided views. He then spoke of manhood suffrage, without, however, saying anything beyond what has been published. Triennial Parliaments were likewise referred to in the same strain as on Saturday the speaker justifying his action with reference thereto. Speaking of taxation, he repeated the views previously mentioned, by him. He said the principle involved in the land tax with reference to not taking improvements was a very just one. Ho felt certain that the people would never- let improvements he taxed while largo tracts of land went free The progressive tax caused by the incidental value given to properties by public works improvements was, in his opinion* quite fair. He urged that representatives be pledged to support an income and property tax, saying that such a tax would obviate thoneed of a tax ' Oll almost everything else. He advocated taking the sinking fund, and using it in a lump to reduce the public debt. That alone would, make it unnecessary to put a tax upon , toa or sugar any way. Speaking of the future of New Zealand, bethought we should take care that the land was split up into small properties. Laws should be made that al Crown lands and Native lands, should bo sold m small blocks at a fair price. A land fund, as a source of revenue, ise thought was open to. many objections. He considered that a load fund for the purposes of carrying cp, public works was a mistake. He thought, public works would go on hero for centuries, and, he didn't think the present generation should bear the whole burden. The colony should abandon the I idea of giving away the land to new people, but ho advocated that young men from the present population should bo preferred Ho I closed with a glowing description of the future which he pictured for the Britain of the ooutu, |

Thp. usual opportunity of asking questions of A h \l peakor wa3 nfjt g' ven th e audience. Mr Merson then moved a vote of thanks to the speaker, hoping that the mooting would support the local candidate. He once had great hopes of Mr Kolleston, and (seeing Mr Kolleston present) ho reminded him of his lost opportunities when the men wore calling tor *°l k - [Cries of “ Kolleston.”] Mr Kolleston, stepping on the platform in response, was received with great cheering, groans and hisses.

The Chairman said ho hoped the meeting would give Mr Rolloston a hearing The tumult he observed then was unlike Lyttelton, and he hoped they would listen to Mr Rolleston s answer to what Mr Merson had said.

Mr Rolleston said ho was called for and would with permission speak. Ho was not ashamed to stand before any Canterbury audience. He had no desire to interfere with any of Sir George s meetings. Ho was present on Saturday night, and had not heard Sir George Grey say anything against him, nor had he to-night. It was the remarks made by Mr Meraon that had brought him to his feet to say something in his own defence. He would not have been on the platform had not the last speaker accused him of keeping men out of work. Why, the mooting knew bettor than Jthat, [Cheers.] What about

education ? There was only ono man (Mr Tancred) in Canterbury who had fought harder for education than he. Had he not fought his way by hard work to his present position ? He challenged anybody to gainsay that he had devoted himself to throw open the lands for selection long before Sir George Grey came out as a land champion. He (Mr Rolleston) had then raised the points against preemptive rights, and the shutting up of the country from want of roads also, as well as against gridironing. He appealed to the good sense of the audience to say whether he had not fought their battles before these new deliverers turned up. He knew the people of Canterbury too well to quietly stand aside. Nor would he stand quietly to hear those who had served them so faithfully abused and stigmatised as belonging o ruling families. He would not detain them by making a long speech. Ho could see men present who had served the people faithfully —Mr Saunders and others. [lnterruption, and cries of “ Saunders.”] He said that the men who had represented them in the post had not been taken from particular families, but had been so taken because they had made themselves felt in the communities in which they lived as men of brains and honesty of purpose. He wanted to know who was this Mr Merson who should attempt to asperse his administration of affairs ? Was he a working man ? It would take him a week to do a day’s work. [Great laughter, cheering, and calls for Mr Saunders.J The Mayor abruptly put the vote of thanks to Sir George Grey, which was carried with great cheering. Three hearty cheers were also given to Mr Bolleston,

Sir George Grey said it was true that he and Mr Kolleston had worked together against the abolition of the provinces, but what he wished to point out was that the licenses for the great tracts of land would not expire until 1880, and ho thought that before then laws should be passed breaking these tracts up into small parcels. [“ How about the rent ?j He believed the rent would be better obtained at auction. He would discuss the question of these land tracts with Mr Bolleston any time he chose. He recognised Mr Bolleston’a services in the House, but he believed still that the ruling powers in a great many instances had amassed large fortunes by their mode of legislation. He did not in this remark point to Mr Bolleston, for whom he had the highest esteem.

Mr Bolleston thought Sir George had not put the case fairly. He did not know, or appeared not to know, that in two years, after 1880, the runs might be cut up into 5000 acre lots. Mr Rolleston then referred to the fact that Sir George Grey’s Government could have, and ought to have, cut up these lands any time in the past two years, and {sold them on deferred payments. It was in his power to do so at once. Why hadn’t he done so ? He would never support a man who had bean guilty of such a piece of unparalleled political perfidy as ho had been guilty of in attempting to withdraw the Land Act from the Governor’s assent after it had passed both Houses of the Legislature. Sir George Grey, in reply, said at the time he referred to the lands were to be closed up for a term of two years. Before this was done he had urged that the constituencies be appealed to to test their feeling on the question, That was his objection, and he did’nt consider that it was a political perfidy to wish the question put to the people. Mr Saunders was here loudly shouted for, and in response stepped on to the platform. The Mayor interfered, saying it was not fair to attack Sir George, as he had simply come down to give the people a chance to hear him speak.

The cries for Mr Saunders still continued, the Mayor shouting that Mr Saunders had no right in this constituency. The Mayor and Sir George Grey put on their hats and hurriedly left the platform, leaving Mr Saunders still standing, waiting for the commotion to subside. Mr Rolleston also remained on the platform.

Mr Saunders essayed to speak several times, but it was evidently the determination of a few noisy persona in front that he should not be heard. These then started yelling and hooting and throwing the candles used for lighting the room at those on the platform.