MR WATERHOUSE ON THE GOVERNMENT POLICY.

Globe, Volume XXI, Issue 1700, 1 August 1879, Page 3

MR WATERHOUSE ON THE GOVERNMENT POLICY.

The Hon, Mr Waterhouse delivered the following speech in tho Legislative Council on Friday, July 18th, ou the motion for the adoption of the Address in Reply to tho Governor’s Speech Messrs Buckley and Dignan had moved and seconded the Address : The Hon. Mr Waterhouse —It would bo a pity if the Reply should pass as a mere matter of form, without honorable members giving expression to their sentiments upon tho various subjects referred to in the address by the Governor; and I think besides that tho expression of tho views of the members of tho Legislative Council will be looked forward to by tho public with some degree of interest. I listened with a good deal of attention to the remarks of my hon. friend Mr Buckley; and I am able, with a very clear conscience, to congratulate him upon the dialectic skill he manifested in tho speech he made to us on this occasion. I cannot, however, say much for the enthusiasm which he displayed. In no case did he rise to enthusiasm, except when he caught a fleeting sight of what bo styled the grand Liberal policy which is shadowed forth in this Address. I was, however, amused by one remark that fell from my hon. friend, and it shows how apt persons are in making general statements, and in seeking for arguments to advance particular views, to run into great extremes. My hon. friend referred to the extension of manhood suffrage, in which he expressed himself a great believer, and said that those who contributed to the happiness and enjoyment of persons who employed them were entitled to a vote in the election of representatives. I could not help thinking that if my hon. friend carried this argument to its logical conclusion we should have an extraordinary description of voters upon our electoral rolls ; for certainly there is scarcely an animal we possess that does not contribute more or less to the happiness and enjoyment of the person who employs it. It is scarcely so far as this that my hon. friend would desire to extend his argument, although possibly he might, on the ground ho stated, be willing to admit females to the suffrage. My bon. friend made one omission in his speech which I will endeavor to supply. I rather expected that we should find some words of congratulation upon the Ministerial changes that have been accomplished during the recess. It is, sir, and must be, a matter of congratulation that wo have at last a thoroughly homogeneous Ministry, We have a Ministry in whom every particle of independence of spirit is utterly extinguished—a Ministry thoroughly welded into one compact block, animated by one impulse, and obedient to one will. We have at last a Premier who can say to one of his colleagues, “Do this,” and he doeth it; to another, “Do that,” and ho doeth it; and to his colleagues generally, “ Fall down and worship me,” and they fall down and worship him. There is something of an advantage in this, inasmuch as, instead of having to take into consideration seven distinct wills, and endeavoring to foretell what will be the decision arrived at after the collision of seven different intelligences, we have now only to take into consideration one will; and if we can fathom its depths, if we can pursue it through its intricacies—and I am willing to admit that that is a somewhat difficult job—we shall know exactly what we are to expect from the Ministry. Sir, the speech is ef a very important character, and will doubtless attract a good deal of discussion. It is not my intention to go through the various matters referred to in it, but to confine myself to observations upon one or two of tho subjects mentioned. I will first allude to his Excellency’s remarks upon tho Native question. In this matter hon. members cannot fail to have noticed a remarkable contrast between the utterances of this session and the utterances of last session. At the opening of Parliament last session we were congratulated by tho Governor on the fact that peaceful relations had at last been established with the Waikato and Ngatimaniapoto tribes. We wore somewhat astonished at the very jubilant tone which was indulged in on that occasion ; but we wore led to believe that if wo could really look behind the scenes wo should find that tho state of Native matters was far better than had even been represented in that very flaming description of our Native relations which was given in the opening speech. Two or three days afterwards the Native Minister, speaking to the Address in Reply, said, “ When I look at what is said in the Speech as to what tho Ministry had done in regard to Native affairs during the recess, I am, like tho Indian statesman and soldier, surprised at my own moderation.” As the session proceeded, we wore still assured that our Native relations were as satisfactory as they well could bo. In the statement upon Native affairs, the Native Minister assured Parliament that “ a spirit of law and order had finally spread over tho land.” Now, sir, that is how Native affairs were represented to us last session. We now look into the Governor’s Speech, and wo cannot help drawing a contrast between what was stated then and what wo are told is tho case now. We hoar no more, sir, of peaceful relations. Wo are told that tho aspect of affairs in this island has a somewhat alarming appearance. We are led to believe that there is tho utmost danger that peaceful relations with tho Natives may not long be continued; for we are told that it is a matter of uncertainty whether such will bo the case. It is added—and tho words are very important, coming from his Excellency, and as representing the sentiments of tho Ministry—that it is still possible that a peaceful solution of the difficulty may be found. We are told, not that it is “probable ” that a peaceful solution may be found, bnt that it is “possible.” It is quite clear from this statement that our relations with the Natives at large are as unsatisfactory as they can well be without our being actually at war. We are then told that tho negotiations with the Waikato Natives have been suspended. Why, sir, last year wo heard nothing whatever of negotiations. We heard of transactions that had been concluded. The matter had been completed. And we are now told that what were then represented as transactions finally completed were negotiations which have been suspended —that all offers of settlement have been withdrawn, so that any future negotiations must be commenced on a new basis. And, sir, this is tho result of the existing Ministry having been in office for something less than two years. Our relations with the Natives at the present time are in a state that alarms tho colonists, and in striking contrast with tho state of our relations with the Natives at the time when the present Government took office. At that time our relations with tho Natives were, and had boon for some years previously, getting gradually better and better, until the opinion had become prevalent that such a thing as a Native war would never again be heard of. Now they are in such a state a Native war, according to the Speech itself, appears to be imminent. It is impossible for us to contemplate the state of things without asking to what is this great change in

our relations with the Natives due ; and to this I reply that it is impossible to contemplate the proceedings of the Miniati y in connection with the Natives during the last twelve months without coming to the conclusion that it is due entirely to the incompetency—the thorough incompetenoy —of the gentlemen who sit on the Ministerial benches, and to the loss by the Native Office of the respect and confidence of the Natives, as well as to the absence of justice and firmness in dealing with the Natives themselves. If we wanted proof of this view wo have only to ook at the transactions of the Government in reference to the Waimate Plains —and it should bo borne in mind that the present unsatisfactory state of our relations with the Natives is mainly due to the dealings of the Government with the surveys of the Waimate Plains. I will not dwell upon the fact that the confiscation of the Waimate Plains and the country in that neighborhood has always been regarded by the Natives as upon a very different footing from confiscation in other districts, and for this reason : that the country has never been conquered or occupied, and consequently the Natives themselves nsver regarded the territory as justly annexed bv the Government. These circumstances should have had the effect upon the Ministerial mind of, at any rate, causing the Government to proceed with great care and deliberation in their transactions with the land in that locality. But I only incidentally refer to this matter. If there were no stronger case in condemnation of the proceedings of the Government in connection with those lands than that, it would scarcely be worth while bringing it forward. It is desirable and necessary, if we would have a due comprehension of this subject, that we should trace this matter to its origin, and make ourselves thoroughly acquainted with its history. I will, then, remind hon. members that all proclamations of confiscations have been made under the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863. That Act gave the Government the power of proclaiming a district under the Act by an Order in Council, and it gave them power, also by an Order in Council, to take land in the district constituted by proclamation for the purposes of settlement and occupation. The intention of the Act was that, wherever land was thus taken, the native right should be entirely extinguished, and the Natives should cease to occupy those districts ; further provisions in the Act being to the effect that, where Native lands in such districts belonged to friendly Natives, compensation should be given to them for the lands they held, this compensation being awarded by a Compensation Court, constituted for that purpose. But in the proclamation confiscating this land there was a special circumstance to which I desire to draw the attention of the Council. There were two proclamations issued on the 2nd September, 1865, and both these proclamations were differently worded, and designed to be different from any other proclamations confiscating Native lands. These proclamations stated that the Government constituted the districts in accordance with the schedule. It then declared that the Government took the land within such districts fer the purposes declared by the Act, and it then added —and it is important that these words should bo remembered by hon. members —that “ No land of any loyal inhabitants within the said district, whether held by Native custom or Crown grant, will be taken, except so much as may bo absolutely necessary for the security of the country, compensation being given for the land so taken : and further, that all rebel inhabitants of the said districts who come in within a reasonable time, and make submission to the Queen, will receive a sufficient quantity of land within the said district under grant from the Crown.” It was, therefore, evident that whec this land was confiscated it was distinctly designed —it was distinctly held forth to the Natives by proclamation under the hand of his Excellency the Governor, the present Premier of the colony, Sir George Grey, that the lands of the loyal Natives should not be interfered with, and that reserves should bo made for the use even of the rebel Natives. Sir, that is what we may gather to he the meaning of the Act; but we have this view more clearly set forth by Mr Weld, who, in sending a message on the same date to his Excellency the Governor for approval, stated the reasons for confiscation, and the intention of the Ministry in connection with the proclamation. Those were his very distinct words:— “ Ministers wish it to be understood, with regard to the whole of the land that they propose to take, that they do not aim at expelling any part of the tribes who now occupy it, or lately occupied it. Their purpose is to apportion without delay ample allowances of land to all rebels who come in within reasonable time, and to give back to the loyal inhabitants as nearly as possible the exact land they are entitled to now, but under Crown grants, replacing whatever it may bo absolutely necessary to take for settlement by other adjacent land, or a money settlement if preferred.” It thus appears that this laud was confiscated with a distinct declaration from the Government that the rights of the loyal Natives were to be respected, and that they were to retain possession of their land. Now, sir, previous Governments have always borne in mind this state of things. Mr McLean, as appears by the documents published in the Blue Books of 1872, and which ate republished and laid _ on the table of Parliament now as if they were something that had recently been found, states with reference to this land that “ the lands north of Waingongoro, as far as Stony river, although nominally confiscated, are, with the exception of 1400 acres at Opunako, quite unavailable for settlement until arrangements are made with the Natives for lands sufficient for their requirements.” At that time, 1872, Mr McLean distinctly recognised that of all this land there was only 1400 acres at the absolute and unconditional disposal of the Crown, I refer to these things because an attempt has been made to throw doubt upon these subjects, and to lead to the inference that Native affairs have been complicated by the action of the lata Sir Donald McLean ; while they are matters of notoriety which ought to have been known to the Government, and which wo have every reason to believe were known to them. The Government, indeed, always acknowledged the Native claims over these lands. About the year 1872 there was a great desire to make roads through this tract of territory. It was admitted that no roads could be made without the consent of the Natives, and negotiations were entered into with them with the view to obtain their consent to the making of these roads. It was also desired to establish coach communication through this district, but before the coach lino could bo established the Natives had to be negotiated with and payment made for tbo right-of-way. It was next desired to establish telegraphic communication through the district; but before that could be done fresh negotiations had to be entered into, and payment again made, I refer to these things to show that at the time the present Government assumed office, the position of affairs had been distinctly recognised, and that by the proclamation of 1865 the land was placed in a different position from that of the confiscated land in other parts of the colony. Now, sir, the claims of loyal Natives to portions of this land were of an extensive character. To Whiti himself, a leading chief referred to by Mr Parris in 1870 as a man of unimpeachable loyalty, and who, I may add, is likewise a man of unimpeachable integrity, had been (according to Mr Parris) unconnected with any hostilities for ten years previously. Wi King, another loading chief, had not been in arms against us. But their lands were confiscated, And yet, in spite of the claims of the loyal Natives, in spite of the proclamations of the Government with reference to these lands, what did the Government do ? Without endeavoring to come to any understanding with reference to the claims of these loyal Natives, they actually sent surveyors upon the land ; and when I was there in December last they were actually placing pegs in their very plantations. Can it for one moment be stated, that while we have been acting in snch a manner we have bean acting towards them with justice ? It is difficult to characterise such proceedings. If they arise from incompetency, the Government ought to be driven from their seats most ignominionsly; if they do not arise from incompetency, then it is a most discreditable infraction of the clearest principles of justice; and upon one of these 'horns the Ministry should be impaled. The Premier cannot turn round and say that he is ignorant of these things. Here is the proclamation under his hand and seal. Ho, of all men, was not ignorant of these things, and ho ought to have been the last man in the world to authorise the officers of the Government to proceed in this summary manner against the Natives, entering upon their lands and surveying them in spite of this proclamation. If the Native Minister was ignorant of these things, then it at once establishes the fact that _ he is utterly incompetent for the position ho holds j because these were not matters that

were conducted in a hole and corner way. Taey were proclaimed from the house-tops, so that the Native Minister could not bo ignorant of them unless he had grossly and utterly neglected the duties of his office. I may add, that when the surveyors were sent upon this land they were sent not to survey a portion of the land to which it was thought the Government might have some claim ; they were to survey the whole of the land, without making a single reserve for any friendly Native, and without making a single reserve for any Native who had been in rebellion, which was most solemnly by the proclamation when the rebels gave in their submission. I do not wish to make this statement without being able to establish it. I may say, that in replying to a question with reference to the Waimate Plains on the 21st October last the Native Minister said—“A large area had already been surveyed and subdivided, which the Government could at once put into the market, but thought it would be better not to do so until the whole of the land had been surveyed. Ho presumed the whole would be completed in the early part of the coming year.” It is clear that it was tho intention of the Government to sell the whole of this land irrespective of Native claims, and to bring it into the market at the earliest possible date. Now, sir, up to a certain point, as bon. members are aware, the surveyors were allowed to proceed quietly ; but it was well understood that they would only be allowed to proceed until the usual Native meeting at Parihaka tc-ok place. These Native meetings, 1 think, wore held on tho third Wednesday in each month. The decisive meeting was to lake place on tho third Wednesday in March last. Every one knew that for months previously. I was told by Government servants when I was travelling on the West Coast in September last, that tho month of March was the month fixed upon for taking action, and that till then there was no likelihood of anything being done. Tho surveyors wore than allowed to proceed quietly until the meeting atParihaka, when it was decided by tho Natives that some further action should bo taken, and they did what I contend, in the face of that proclamation,‘they wore justified in doing, they wont on to tho land and pulled up tho survey pegs. It was tho only way they had of testing tho question. It was the only way they had of testing tho legality of the proclamation, and of testing tho validity of the promises that had been made up to that time. By that act of removing the surveyors from tho land they brought to a point the issue between themselves and the Government. And what was the next stop taken by the Government ? They sought to intimidate the Natives. They were determined to teach them a lesson that should frighten them effectually ; and what did they do ? They advertised the land for sale. Not content with advertising here, they sent advertisements to the other colonies. Hero was a manifestation of firmness that was to strike terror into the minds of tho Natives. Ministers had probably studied Roman history. They knew how tho action of tho Romans in selling tho lands near Romo that were occupied by Hannibal and his army had done more than any other act to daunt that gallant leader, and they evidently thought that a somewhat similar effect would follow this exhibition of Roman virtue on their part. But, sir, the Maoris were superior to Hannibal. They laughed at the proceedings of the Government, and tho result was, when the Government saw that they had no effect whatever, they quietly pocketed tho insult and withdrew tho advertisement. In connection with this matter we must not overlook tho action of Ministers themselves. The Native Minister, with a view to overcoming the difficulty that had arisen, paid a visit himself to Parihaka. He does not appear to have been invited. Indeed, Ministers do not appear to care for invitations upon these occasions, hut, against the Native feeling, they thrust themselves amongst the Native deliberators. The Native Minister attended that meeting, and we know with what result. He was treated in tho most ignominious manner. A well-known murderer roamed about in his presence, offering to him the most contemptuous marks of disdain, while Te Whiti himself spoke to him in a disdainful manner, accusing him of being a thief of the land. The Native Minister found his negotiations wore fruitless, and came back to town. He had made an utter and complete failure of the whole affair. And, sir, I say that, if the Ministry with which he is connected had at that time been animated by anything like patriotic feelings, there was only one course open to them —namely, at once to have said, “ We have made a mull of the whole affair; wo are incompetent to proceed further with it;” and then to have resigned their commissions into the hands of his Excellency. But they did no such thing. They must - have recognised that it was impossible for them to advance further without endangering the peace of the colony, while they could not recede without a loss of prestige, which must have an injurious influence on the Native mind ; and yet, instead of resigning, what did tnoy do ? They appealed to a discarded servant of tho public, asked him to take up the negotiations where they had failed, and sent him to Parihaka on an errand as fruitless as that of the Native Minister himself. Up to that point I believe tho Natives were perfectly right. Whatever may bo the impression of the public as to the matter, I am satisfied that, if they look into the documents as I have done, they must arrive at tho conclusion that a distinct promise was held out to the loyal Natives that they should have quiet possession of the land. When this distinct promise was about to bo violated, and their lands withdrawn from them, they were justified in taking the step of quietly removing the surveyors. But tho Natives went further, and in respect of their further movements I cannot acquit them of blame. They entered upon land over which the Native title had been extinguished, and over which European rights had been acquired. This was altogether illegal. It was an altogether reprehensible proceeding, and the only excuse I can at all make for tho Natives is that they know no better, that they have been taught by the Native Minister himself that this was tho proper mode of proceeding—that two or three years before the Native Minister himself advised them to take possession of land in Napier which the Court adjudged not to belong to them, and of which they are now in possession. Under those circumstances it is some little palliation of their offence that they wore only doing what the Native Minister upon another occasion had induced them to do. He had sown the wind, and the colony was about to reap the whirlwind. When the Natives entered upon these lands and began to plough, wo know with what utter helplessness the Government lopked_ on. The result was that tho settlors in the neighbourhood were alarmed. They saw the Government were taking no efficient steps for their protection, and they were driven to take up arms on their own account, I think the action of the settlers upon that occasion is deserving of all praise, and that by their conduct they taught the Government a lesson from which tho colony will probably eventually derive great advantage. When, however, the settlers took up arms, the Government still looked on with the same indifference as before, and it was only when tho settlers took the law into their own hands, and at tho peril of their lives removed the trespassers from the land, that tho Government plucked up sufficient courage to follow their example, and do what they had done. All honor to the settlers in this matter. Their action, and tho success which attended their efforts, are a crying condemnation of the inaction of the Government. So much for the Waimate Plains. It would bo a great satisfaction if, after looking at this matter, we could turn round in other directions and see marked indications of success attending the transactions of the Government with the Natives, But such is not the case. Failure appears to have attended the action of the Government in all their transactions with the Natives. Let us first look at the other island. Surely, if there is any place in tho colony in which the Government should bo able to insist upon tho maintenance of tho law it is the other Island. And yot there they have been allowing the Natives to enter into possession of land belonging, I believe, to a member of this Council, and they arc at this very moment in possession of that land. If you cannot maintain tho law in the very outskirts —if you give way to alarm at demonstrations in tho outskirts, what will be the result where tho Natives are in numbers ? Surely the failure to maintain the law must encourage lawlessness. Then, going North, we find tho Natives interfering with tho building of abridge oyer the Thames; and when tho County Council threaten to bring an action against them, tho Government at once step in and forbid such action. The result is, that tho Natives again successfully defy the Government. Take another instance of tho helpless imbecility of tho Government in their dealings with the Natives—in bringing together tho so-called Maori-Parliament. Ministers appear to labor under tho impres-

sion that it is a good thing to educate colonists to a knowledge of their grievances, and they called together tho Maori Parliament so that the Natives may consider their grievances. This Parliament consisted of representatives of friendly tribes from all parts of the island, called together at the invitation of the Government to discuss their grievances. The result was, that instead of the hands of the Government being in any degree strengthened, there was a manifestation of a desire on the part of tho Maoris to get hold of that unearned increment which the Government were so desirous of handling themselves, but which the Maoris thought should go to the original possessors of tho soil instead of to the Government. That Maori Parliament was one of tho greatest mistakes it was possible to make; and I cannot imagine anything more calculated to stir up discontent in the minds of the friendly portion of our Maori fellow-settlers. It is scarcely necessary to refer to the meeting with Rewi. That was another and a complete fiasco ; but in connection with it there is one little circumstance to which I must allude, and which hen. members ought to bear in mind when dealing with Bills introduced by the Government, at any rate, if not by other persons. Ono of the causes of complaint amongst the Natives, to which tho Premier himself alluded as being one of tho three causes of dissatisfaction in the Native mind, arose in connection with a Bill we passed last session. That Bill was tho Waikato Land Act. Two years ago, sir, or more, prior to tho coming into office of tho existing Government—a quantity of land—some 3000 acres, I believe —was bought by Sir Donald McLean for the King Natives, consequent upon some negotiations with them. It was distinctly announced that this land was for the use of the Waikato Natives. A Bill was introduced last session which authorised this land to be diverted from the purpose for which it was originally bought, and handed over to another purpose. In looking through tho proceedings I find that there is not a word said upon this subject in tho other branch of tho Legislature. There was some little discussion in this House consequent on the matter having been referred to the Local Bills Committee. My hon. friend Dr. Pollen took some little exception to the Bill, but did not proceed further with that exception, because ho was assured by the Hon. the Colonial Secretary that the Natives themselves were willing parties to it. Now, sir, what has caused the dissatisfaction in the Native mind which has been referred to by Sir George Grey is this—that the land was taken away from them by tho Act of last year. The Natives were no parties to that Bill ; they were not anxious to get rid of the land ; hut it was owing to a statement in this House that they were anxious to get rid of it that we assented to this act of wrongfulness and injustice. As showing the incompetence that has characterised the Government in connection with Native affairs throughout tho time they have been in office, I will now refer to a railway incident which happened in Napier tho other day. A Native proposed to upset the railway train, but he also had in view another object. Ho had been turned out of a railway carriage for smoking. He was indignant at this. He endeavoured to stop the train, and, armed with a tomahawk, started in pursuit of the man who turned him out, with the view of killing him. This is a matter that occurred in Hawke’s Bay—in a comparatively thickly populated settlement. The Government could have dealt with it vigourously and firmly; but, instead of this, wfil it be believed that the Government only nominally took him into custody ; the report which they flashed through the colon y of their proceedings being simply to the effect that tho man was in custody, although he did not know it ? And then, sir, when it came to the point when the summons was served, and the man had to appear at tho local Magistrate’s Court, will it be believed that then the Government interfered to arrest the course of justice, and caused tho information that had been laid against him to be entirely withdrawn ? I say most decidedly that it is wrong for tho Government to interfere’between the course of law and the injured subject. Mercy is [tho prerogative of tho Crown. Then deal mercifully after the case has been decided ; but the Government, I maintain, have no right previously to interfere with the course of law. Now, it would be some degree of satisfaction when we see such a thorough want of success attending the operations of the Government, if the Government could turn round and say that this want of success was due to tho action of others. It is true, sir, that some attempt of this sort has been made. We have seen it imputed that the Government has been embarrassed very much by tho action of two persons of high position, Major Mair and Major Jackson ; but it is affirmed on unimpeachable authority that Rewi himself has stated that it is owing to the action of these two persons that his friendly relations with the Government now exist. The forbearance which the Government have met with from the Opposition in their transactions with the Native race is in striking contrast with the action of the Premier himself when the opponents of the present Government were in office. It will not be forgotten by hon. members that the late Sir Donald McLean was very much crippled in his intercourse with the Natives by the action taken by Sir George Grey ; nor should it be forgotten that at the time when the late Sir Donald McLean was trying to bind together the two races in more friendly relations, that then Sir George Grey wrote to the Natives, telling them—“ Do not bo led astray by the action of Sir Donald McLean in this case. The thoughts of the greater part of good men throughout tho world will not approve of the action he has taken in this instance. The customs of tho best men in this world are not in accordance with the action he has taken,” How striking, sir, is the difference between the action of the Opposition in the treatment of Native matters, and the action taken by Sir George Grey himself when his opponents sat on the benches which are now occupied by the hon. member and his colleagues ? Then I repeat the question which I asked at tho commencement of my remarks, To what is this change in our relationship with the Natives attributable? And I can only repent my reply, that it must be attributed to the incompetence of the Government, to tho loss of the respect and confidence of the Native Office by the Natives, and to the transactions of the Government with the Natives not being in accordance with the principles of justice. Now, sir, if this state of matters is to bo remedied, how is it to be remedied ? There is no indication whatever of any remedial measure calculated to meet tho circumstances in this speech. The only measure indicated with the view of allaying tho discontent of the Natives appears to bo the massing together of troops. “ The necessary steps have been taken to secure the peace of the district,” But, sir, if our relations with the Native people are to be placed on a firm basis we must act towards them with juslipe. We must likewise act towards them with firmness. But, first of all, we must act towards them with justice. The promises that have been made in the proclamations must be carried out at all costs ; and the only way to do that is to appoint a Commission by Act cf Parliament authorised to give effect to the promises of the Proclamations to which I have referred, and to issue Crown grants in the manner which was contemplated by Mr Weld. In the next place we must act towards the Natives with firmness. Whatever be the consequences, that man Eiroki must now be apprehended. If wo fail in firmness now, we may depend upon it that we shall only stave off the difficulty, instead of settling it once and for all; it will rise up again and bo as bad as ever. And then, sir, another thing wo must do is to completely ren odel the Native Office. I maintain that the Native Office is not conducted in accordance with the spirit of our institutions. The Native Office is conducted upon the principle of personal rule. It is claimed by the Native Minister that it is based on personal rule. That is not a principle of constitutional government. The principle of constitutional government is that tho Minister shall be responsible for the work done in his department; but it is not his duty to do the work himself. It is his duty to surround himself with the best agents obtainable, and so to regulate his office that it may be carried on smoothly and freely when there is a change of Ministry. Until we put that Native office on a firm footing, depend upon it wo shall see no solution of the Native difficulty. There will bo no end of it—it will be cropping up again and again. What we want is a thoroughly organised administration of tho Native Department—an administration that can be carried on pretty well by itself, and that will go on independent of the direct action and interference of the Minister. It is the duty of Ministers not to do the work themselves, but to see that others do it; and the department should be si organised that the work may be done by subordinates, and that it shall not require personal interference to the extent that has taken place. When Sir Arthur Gordon was sent to Fiji it was not because he

could speak Fijian, but because he was considered able to organise an' efficient administration. When Sir Garnet Wolseley was sent to Cyprus it was not because ho could speak the Greek language, but because he was equal to the work of organisation ; and the person in charge of the Native Office should follow in his footsteps. His duty is to organise a good administration, so that it will no longer bo necessary to have a pakeha-Maori, as at present, to conduct it. There are some other points that I should like to refer to—(Hon, members—“ Go on.”) —but X find that time will not permit me to do so now. I may only say that it is not my intention to refer to the other parts of this Speech. The Speech suggests itself to my mind as simply n flag of distress run up to the masthead to attract help to a ship that is fast drifting on the breakers. It is not by the proposals in this Speech that the public will judge the Government. They will judge the Government by the incompetence which has characterised the administration of affairs in this colony ; by the laws which, as in the case of the Thames railway, the Government have violated ; by the public opinion which, as in the case of a subsidised, and, in other cases, of a threatened Press, they have endeavored to corrupt and debase ; by the friends who, for political services, have been raised to the highest offices under the Government at the expense of the Civil Service generally ; by the enemies, whether personal or political, such as Captain Holt or Captain Morris, whom they have endeavored to crush under their feet; by the extravagances condemned by them, but yet continued, such as the Hinemoa and the Ministerial residences ; and by the financial crisis which, through their utter bungling, they have into- sified. It is by these things the public will judge the Government, and not by this Speech, which is a voice and nothing else.