ADDRESSES TO CONSTITUENTS.

Globe, Volume XX, Issue 1383, 22 July 1878, Page 2

ADDRESSES TO CONSTITUENTS.

MR W. S. MOORIIOUSE AT CHRISTCHURCH. Mr W. S. Moorhouse, one of the represcntatives of the City of Christchurch in the General Assembly, addressed his constituents at the Oddfellows’Hall, on Saturday evening, when there was a large attendance. Mr Moorhouse, upon stepping on to the platform, requested some one to suggest a gentleman as chairman, and a voicoin reply proposed Mr Rolloston, that gentleman being the only other occupant of the platform. Mr Rolloston, who was greeted with cheers, said he had come to the meeting that night as a listener, as one gentleman to listen to another —a gentleman who he was sure would always have a fair and impartial hearing from the people of Canterbury, in consequence, at least, of his connection with the past. He (Mr Rolloston) was not an elector of the city of Christchurch, and could therefore only bo there by the kind permission of Mr Moorhouse. If it was the wish of the meeting he would take the chair. He had no doubt the meeting would give Mr Moorhouse an impartial hearing, as similar meetings in Christchurch ever had done. Mr Moorhouse then addressed the meeting to the following effect—Mr Chairman and Gentlemen, I am very much obliged to you for attending in such numbers this evening, particularly as 1 am given to understand that this evening is a particularly inconvenient one for the electors to come from their ordinary business or pleasure in order to attend political meetings. I suspect very much, considering the fact that the general tendency of my political views is known to the

greater number of the electors of this city, that the curiosity of tho audience to-night is to know my opinions as to tho claims which Sir George Grey and his party have to my support. It is a natural curiosity, for it is particularly well-known to my constituents here that tho circumstance of Sir George Grey getting the Premiership of the colony is not duo to any action taken by me in his favor. On tho contrary, it is particularly well-known to those who are curious in such matters that I was back and edge an out-and-out supporter of the late administration. In point of fact gentlemen, those who care to have any memory on the subject will recollect that when you elected mo it was, as tho Americans say, on that ticket, I pledged myself to you that I would do my best, so long as they consistently in accordance with what in my judgment was right, to support them. I stood by them, gentlemen, and fought under their flag as long as a rag was left, and until, under circumstances which were very interesting and which are never to be forgotten, they dissolved. That party has now ceased to exist, and a complete reorganisation will be quite necessary if its members are ever to work together again. But though the individual members of that party confess that any association is now dissolved, still, so far as I am able to judge of matters, you may depend upon it that the views they,indicated still exist. But I know that it will bo interesting to you to hear from me what will bo my attitude towards Sir George Grey and his Ministry, and I have not the least hesitation in telling you. I remember reading an article in a leading journal, the editor of which is a par- | ticular friend of mine, in which the writer | was pleased no doubt, greatly for _ his own 1 diversion and that of Ins friends, to characterise mo as the Prince of humbugs, and alluding to Sir George Grey that I was easily able to out-herod Herod. That was perhaps a compliment to Sir George Grey. The paper, which is published not a thousand miles from this hall, has, I may say, in former times stood by my side in desperate extremes. Well, gentlemen, I entreat you to believe me when I assure you that I am incapable of humbugging any body of men who place confidence in me. Now, I will toll you what will be my political attitude towards Sir George Grey and his Government. I may say that I have witnessed part of his career in New Zealand, and read of his triumphs and successes in other parts of the empire, and though I have the honor of knowing him personally, I will not say that I am very intimate with him, but I know sufficient of him to compel from me tho admission that he is a most eloquent and an exceedingly able man. I cannot for a moment deny that. Although I did my best to keep him out of office, when I read now that the fifteenth man since the session has just been returned to support him, when I see the enormous majority that he now will have fighting under him, when I see how completely the colony has expressed a determination to honour and trust him, it would be very arrogant for me to say that I should not stand on one side, or that I should not support any measures brought forward by him. I have too much respect for you, and too strong a desire to serve this country to allow of my offering a factious opposition to Government, or of ray wasting the time of the colony as it has been wasted during the last few sessions by the persons who are now in office. I will support them, therefore, in their endeavours to do the country good, but shall be a sturdy rebel to them if they adopt any mischievous or mistaken policy. Gentlemen, during last session Sir George Grey and his people triumphed. Numbers seceded from the ranks of the supporters of the late Government upon pretexts not altogether justifiable. Upon a full examination of all the circumstances, it may, however, be found that they were justified, but as far as I was able to observe, a great number of talented members, some of whom are still in the House, and some of whom are no longer there, made changes in their opinions, which to me are inexplicable. We all know that novelty is desirable, Mr Hoskins, Charles Kean, or any other actor delights the audience here or any where else ; he “struts his hour upon the stage,” but the public weary of him, they are full of him, and if he remains toi long they say of him, “ he is played out.” And this is from no decay of the actor’s powers, but simply from the sated condition of the audience. It is the same when we have too much preaching from the same parson. We like a change, we want a stranger occasionally. That feeling is common to all societies. We like a change]; if we can get as good a man, we like a new face; we like a new fiddle in the orchestra. The late administration was a continuous one, and people said, “ They have a policy which we are sick of talking about.” After the colony has reaped the full benefit of that policy 1 shall not be at all surprised to hear people say that it was a grand mistake, notwithstanding that at the time they are saying so they are jingling in their pockets the dollars which that policy got for them. The late Government was, then, played out, the country was tired of them, and in addition to this there was another cause for a change. There were several gentlemen in this Assembly who desired office. That became known; it leaked out in the lobbies of the House someRow or other, . There are a great many powerful men in the Assembly; whatever tho outside estimate of their value might be, there was an internal feeling that those men ought to be in office. Nine-tenths of the members felt themselves able, and were quite ready to take office—any office, from that of Premier to that of Postmaster-General. This change, this desire for the receipt of office and emolument was nothing but an ambition to figure as a patriot, a desire which could not be gratified unless office was taken; so it was found necessary to turn out the Ministry, and though I have the greatest personal regard for all those who at present occupy the Treasury benches, I am bound to characterise their action as at least unchivalric. The means they jised were not to be much admired on the score of generosity. It is very well known that there was a majority of one or two against the Grey Ministry, but they used their tactics so unscrupulously, and jockeyed so well, that it was impossible to take a division, and the country never had an opportunity of measuring the strength of parties in the House. 1 don’t regret all this. Since the rising of Parliament I have come to the conclusion that, as a matter of public education, it is a good thing that wo have had a change, and I intend to watch the progress of this lesson, which the present circumstances are teaching the colony. We shall have an opportunity of watching the outcome of this great change, which has been almost a revolution. The experiment ought not to bo interfered with, and we shall bo able to see how far Sir George Grey and his colleagues can realise their promises, and how far men who make large professions are to bo trusted. I hope, for the interest and for the respectability of the colony, that all they have promised will be realised, and that their conduct will exhibit honesty and_ true patriotism. _ I am not prepared to question their possession of either honesty or patriotism. But I do ■question tli© means, at least sosio them, which have been used to stimulate tho support pf tho public, and at the same time I doubt the power of the Government to realise the promises they have made and the inducements they have hold out for support. I was very much struck with a passage in tho speech of my honorable friend the Attorney-General to his constituents the other day. It was a very clever and thoughtful speech, and one passage in it struck me very much. He said it was for Government to lay out a plan and then lo work up to that plan as far as possible. That is a rational view to take, for tho present Government, or any other Government, can never work out a reform complete and radical. In twenty years should we happen to moot wo shall find that there remains still ample work to bo done in the way of reform. One of the plana promulgated by Sir George Grey and, with some modifications, by his colleagues w as universal or manhood suffrage, and then with a residence qualification. I have no sympathy with that scheme. Not to be irreverent, and I don fc wish to say anything offensive, but I look upon that proposal to have a manhood suffrage as bunkum. If we were to have a chance of navmg tiiau I may say that I look upon it as a thing which would effect a great deal of mischief. I don’t know what proportion of men without a qualification we have here to-night, but I address myself to them now whether their

number be large or small. You working men—you who are principally to bo consulted by a Government advancing liberal views—l ask you how far is your social position or your political power to be enhanced by admitting any man, who has all his property in a carpet bag, and who may leave the country to-morrow, tho privilege of taxing your earnings P You have had industry and self-denial nnd providence enough to acquire property which enables you to vote for everything. Is it fair that you should be put upon a level with an individual who does not make any provision for his family, or secure himself against sickness or commercial reverses. I hold that the franchise qualification is broad enough now, [No, no, hear, hear.] I know I shall not agree in opinion with all, but wo will agree to differ. My belief is that it would be a great mischief to enlarge tho franchise to the extent proposed by Sir George Grey, and even to the modified extent which some of his colleagues wish. It is large enough now. Any man who likes to work can get ]the franchise under the existing circumstances. [A voice—“ That’s your policy; it won’t wash.”’] I am telling you my policy, and I shall be glad to hear your views when I have done. Gentlemen, I say tho proposed extension is impolitic, Where under it would be the premium for industry and respectability which now exists ? If you are going to make every one equal in power—if you are going to have things in common in one particular, be careful what you do or you will have a system which will make all other things in common. Tho man who won’t deny himself I say is unfit to have the franchise, [Hear, hear.] And on the other hand, those who are provident and selfdenying are the men who should govern us, and* to whom should be entrusted the power of taxing. But what sympathy can there be between the men who have small properties and tho men who have no property to tax. The gaiety of the man without property is easily understood, whilst a tax upon property is made; but the man with property would be rather anxious than gay when ho saw a carpet-bag man put on a tax of half a crown in tho pound. To the non-electors I say, “ Don’t you hope to have property some day or other? You hope to have the franchise, but* I hope you desire to make provision for yourselves and your families.” But I ask what inducement is there for the acquiring of property, if it is to be subject to the taxation of gentlemen who are themselves without property. You see it cuts both ways. I promised to be very brief, so will not detain you longer on this subject. I have said that I hope the country will have the full benefit of the present radical change in the administration, I hope no attempt will be made to stop the current of that administration un.il its value is fully proved. I hope we shall have no factious opposition, and that we shall have a very short session. I say in the language of the late Prime Minister, I think that the country wants rest, especially as tho Ministry is only as yet partially acquainted with the state of tho country. They will require another year before they can acquire full knowledge of it. I am very willing, as far as I am concerned, to have a short session, and as little legislation as possible, in order to give to tho country an opportunity of coming to its senses and so being better fitted for making laws than it is at present, I had lately a very interesting letter from a body called the Reform Association. I intimated to a gentleman connected with that body that I should have the great gratification of explaining to him my views personally, and 1 told him what I am now going to tell you. I am told that tho association is composed of a body of active spirits, who are advocating extreme measures of radical reform. That I heard before I received this circular, but when I got this letter, I was struck with its rational tone, and I arrived at the conclusion that the labors of such a body are not only permissible, but are admirably calculated to educate the public politically. If the discussions in that association are akin to the correspondence, then I am bound to say that they are in the habit of acting with good taste, and of not rushing at a conclusion. As long as their deliberations are presided over by reasonable leaders, and as long as they take care to collate trustworthy premisses their conclusions cannot be far wrong. If they take only facts for their premisses, the intelligence they possess will enable them to reason upon the premisses so as to arrive at valuable conclusions. I cannot agree with them in all. In the matter of the extension of the franchise I understand the association to desire something very much akin to what is proposed by Sir George Grey, but I cannot accept their views on that point. I notice they have expunged one point of their programme. There were ten points, and one of them is expunged. I think they exercised very good sense, in that I have not tho slightest doubt. I have been speaking to the chairman, and find from him that they have not advanced very far as yet; but I think that if they will go thoroughly into matters, and will alter some of the proposals which they hare laid before tho public, they will attain their wishes, I don’t know what questions may bo addressed to me to-night, and am at a loss to know whaj; is tho most interesting subject for me to enlarge upon in my speech. You know how far I have been associated with a progressive policy. You know what was my history when I was in Canterbury. I am still in the same groove. I believe in material politics. As soon as you acquire wealtn from large commercial monopoly, culture and refinement must follow. So, while I rejoice to find that the labours of n y contemporaries have been successful with r.gird to school education, I reserve to niyseit as a matter which I most understand, and for which I have the greatest taste, the endeavoring to aid in the development of material progress, and the expanding the basis upon which this population shall grow and thrive. That ismy line, at the same time I entreat you to believe that I am not indifferent to social questions generally. I know that i shall bo asked a formidable category of questions from tho Good Templars, and then perhaps I shall be ques! ioned by representatives of religious denominations on the education question. I can anticipate all that by stating now, what I should state then, or in the event of an early dissolution of Parliament, I shall not be found attempting to repress publichouses or intemperance by any statute. I trust that some respect may be paid to my opinion, on tho score that I am between fifty and sixty years of age, and have studied that side of the question pretty well. I don’t believe that you can put down intemperance by Act of Parliament. I believe the Good Templars and Teetotallers generally are entitled to tho esteem of all good men, that their intention is very benevolent, and that their work is really beneficial to society generally, but I cannot accept tho dictum that either a majority or a minority have any right to invade a man’s private walk in life. It is not proposed —it is no part of our constitution—that is tire lino upon which the Legislature ever travels —I cannot call to mind any instance where the Legislature steps in, except tho health of towns, inoculations, and one or two other matters. Society steps in to regulate the keeping of dogs, and restrains a man from letting a savage dog loose, but of late years there has been no effort made except through the excise—l will not say excise —but there has been a measure by means of licenses for tho purpose of revenue and for the convenience of the public. But I conceive that if a majority of any residents in a district choose to suspend tho sale of liquor in any particular house that wish ought to be respected. A great many reasons might be urged why the suspension should take pi..cc, but if tho holder of the license for that house had honestly invested his money and held the house by law I cannot see any reason for destroying that property without tho people who wish to remove the license paying for doing so. That is tho view entertained by leading men on both sides of the House. There is a whisper abroad that this is not to be a Government question, but there is a feeling that if public houses are closed at the instance of any parish, that parish or that division shall pay for it out of its own resources. With regard to education, gentlemen, L believe, as I did when I addressed you before, that the State should provide education, but not/lenominational education. It io

the duty of the State to see that every citizen in his infancy is properly educated. I believe that education should bo secular, compulsory, and free, as it is now. In every system thei'o will be defects detected. I shall bo only too glad to reform any evils in the present system that I may be able to discover. Gentlemen, I feel very strongly aware of the enormous disadvantage that would result from the splitting up of the colony into largo provinces. The f resent administration will agree together—have no right to sny so, but I surmise that there is a lingering desire in the Cabinet to return to something like the old provinces. The time for this has now gone by. For years I wished to have a hundred provinces as it were in the place of one, and notwithstanding the disagreement of many sensible men I would endow every municipality in the colony with the most complete powers to do what it liked within its own limits, and I would take care to clothe it with the most complete responsibility also. That is tho theory which I advanced some years ago, and which was accepted by one member of the present administration, Mr Ballance. Ho agreed with me some years ago, after some discussion which wo had together, that that was the right principle, I say—Jet tho people borrow and have power to make works and to combine with neighboring bodies, but let them bo solely answerable for tho debt which they contract upon the voice of the public. Let every ratepayer have a chance of saying what shall be borrowed and what shall be spent, nnd leave to the executive management tho details of the works; but leave no shelter against tho public creditor. It may he said—l have heard it said—it is necessary that Government should step in and protect these municipalities against themselves. That is shallow reasoning. How can you expect municipalities to rise to that responsible position to which Sir George Grey maintains that they have a right if you write on their front “ We are going to protect you against yourselves P” I would endow you with the power to borrow and spend as much money as you like, but you arc responsible to the creditor. If that view were entertained generally one consequence would be that the labors of the General Assembly, which otherwise would occupy tho best part of tho year, would be comparatively light. If every body would act upon the powers with which it is endowed under the constitution it would be unnecessary to go up to tho Assembly with more than one third of the number of Bills that are passed every year, and with about the same quantity of Bills that are repealed every year. The Statutebook of New Zealand is enormous, and a considerable portion of its contents are general laws affecting local bodies, containing powers for local bodies enabling them to do this and that. I would cut tho matter short by saying “ Do as y u like, borrow what you like, it is for you to see whether you can pay, and to state whether you will pay tho necessary tax. The General Government is not so good a judge as you are in such a matter.” It is not of the slightest consequence whether this is done on a general system or not, because the onlyjthing to consider is whether these laws are in conformity with the English system, and agreeable to the people living in the district. If this view were accepted, the provinces would bo of no use whatever; the country would be governed at one quarter of the expense at which it is now governed; very few departments would be required up to their present strength, and the population would be far more contented than they are now. Gentlemen, I have done what I said when I had an opportunity of addressing a few words to a meeting when I was last here. At that time I was not well enough to say much. I agreed mainly with what fell from my friend, Mr Stevens, at his meeting. I have read what is reported to have fallen from my friend the Hon. Mr Richardson. I am bound to say that Mr Richardson’s was a very thoughtful speech, and I should be very happy to adopt it in the main as an expression of my own views. In common with most sensible men, membei’s of the party to which I adhered, he sees of how much consequence it is to the colony that the experiment of the present administration should run to its legitimate issue. We shall then see how it will end. Sir George will have a majority of from twenty to twenty-five I should think, a majority against which it will be impossible to work except in tho way of friendly advice and consultation. We shall go to him and say. “ Sir George, this clause may be amended,” and I have no doubt that the suggestions of the Opposition will often be accepted. Indeed whether there will be an opposition or not I cannot tell, and if there be who will be its leader I cannot say. It may bo for instance my friend in the chair to-night. Sir George Grey may feel somewhat apprehensive of sharing the fate of that sportsman who fell a victim to his own dogs. It is quite possible before many years are over, that Sir George Grey and many of our leaders at present holding office, but particularly Sir George Grey, might begin to feel some apprehensions of danger from a change of temper in the kennel. Now, fancy the unfortunate predicament of the man whose popularity is so great that it is impossible to get together out of the men not absolutely his supporters, enough to make an Opposition. What form this difficulty will develop itself into I cannot say. It is a difficulty. There will be fifty or sixty gentlemen as fit as anybody else to take office. In a few years there will be discontent amongst them, and what then ? The change in political opinion lately might be traced to a desire for office. What is to prevent the same desire for office effecting a change of opinion in tho future ? I should not be surprised to find that there is a great feeling of discontent before long. A sincere friend of the present Government, who is also an excellent friend of mine, told me that he was afraid they would be out of office in two years, because at present there was too much enjoyment to last. The reaction would be rapid in proportion as the present gratification was intense. It might be the cause of great, regret to me, but I should not be surprised to see Sir George Grey and his colleagues in some considerable difficulty before long. They are much too strong. I may say that I like a good many of their proposals. As to the forthcoming policy of the Government as shadowed forth, I may state generally that I am disposed to like it. You may desire to know why I do so. Well, gentlemen, one reason—and the principal one—is that it appears to me to be in many respects similar to that of tho late administration. The present Government arc going in for economical expenditure in the direction of public works, and also for the economical administration of the public funds. Now, gentlemen, that was just the proposals of the late Ministry, and of every Government that I have heard of for years past. As to their proposition of manhood suffrage, that, gentlemen, is a plant which has grown in Auckland. I was told the other day that it blossomed in the congenial soil of Queen street. In that place you get a concentration of all that is hopeful; there are congregated the poor, tho needy, the unemployed, for they have not so much to do nor so much business to occupy their time as you have here. So far as I understood tho proposition when it first came forth from Auckland, it was to the effect that manhood suffrage meant giving a vote to everything with a beard. Rut, gentlemen, it is very interesting and very curious to notice that tho qualifications for the franchise as proposed by tho Government, altered very materially as they came further south. It appeared as if tho alteration was induced by the climate getting colder. In Dunedin they don’t care about manhood suffrage, and we find that the member of the Cabinet from that district materially altered the programme as at first sketched out, by imposing a residential qualification. I do not doubt that, if necessary, the exact gauge of this place would be ascertained, and that the Government would say “ Here is your fit exactly : this is manhood suffrage and it is not manhood suffrage.” Now, gentlemen, this is what is going on in the Cabinet. They have never come forward with a scheme upon any certain basis, though I believe one member is going to bring forward a scheme which will be considerably modified from tho proposal as at first put forth. That gentleman will have my support of so much of his proposal as I think is for the benefit of tho colony and this constituency. Our public must go

on. That department is now in the hands of an exceedingly energetic Minister, in the person of Mr Macandrew. It is wonderful to notice how the responsibilities of olllco change a man. Mr Macandrew now devotes himself to the interests of the whole of the colony, and not to thab of his own particular locality. Such a change has this made, that Mr Macandrew has actually discovered that Otago is not the only place in the world, and that there are other cities besides Dunedin in the universe. It is quite gratifying to find that lie is devoting his energies to the advancement. of the interests of the whole colony, and I believe he will be a very useful Minister indeed. lam bound to say that I should bo doing injustice to myself and to the members of the Ministry if I denied that there were men of very great ability in the present Ministry, and I am quite convinced — frequenting the public offices as much as I do —from personal observation, that there is a great amount of industry and application to official duties displayed by the members of the present Government. Gentlemen, it is a great thing to live in a country where wo find that wo are not confined to half a dozen capable and able public men to carry on the Government of the country. But while this is so it is a matter of extreme embarrassment, and I should like to see the able public men of the colony divided by two, and this because it is impossible for the Assembly to consider properly the vast number of Bills as drawn by those able public men, I think, gentlemen, I had better draw to a finish. During the many years I have served you I have done so faithfully, and I venture to express a hope that I shall have many years’ service for you, though I am growing olcl, and possibly in the opinion of some, played out; but gentlemen, you have other good men here. I was the junior member on the poll, and very glad to be there, and the two gentlemen with whom I am associated as your member are younger and perhaps fresher in ideas than I am. It may be that association with them will do away with the played-out feeling which some people attribute to me. Anyhow, I ask you to believe this, that I am still able to be of service to you, [Cheers.] I shall now be glad to answer any questions, [Cheers.] In response to an invitation from the chairman, the following questions were then put to Mr Moorhouse :

An Elector—l should like to ask your opinion as to the seizure by the Government of the Canterbury land fund, and their failure to pay it over iu three mouths to the Eoad Boards, as provided by law ? Mr Moorhouso—With regard to that question, I may say I want a little information myself. I want to know something of the grounds upon which this amount has been deducted from the sum payable to the Road Boards. No doubt the land revenue should bo charged with the amount of the surveys; but I am not sufficiently informed on this matter to say what amount or proportion has been taken. I shall require information from the Government on the matter when we go up to Wellington. And as I was no party to the taking of the land revenue from here, I will do ray best to see justice done to Canterbury in this matter. At present lam not quite sure that any injustice has been done. An Elector—ln speaking of the late Government you forgot to state that the Piako Swamp and other transactions broke the faith of the people in the late Government, and thus they had to give way to the present Ministry. Mr Moorhouse —The matter of the Piako Swamp ca*c was debated, I may say, to the bare bone. All sensible men on both sides of the House agreed that no case had been made out at all by those who had led the matter in the House. Yon can get up a cry in a moment on any subject, and this Piako Swamp affair was a cry. It is now thoroughly gone out of any one’s mind that there was any job in the matter.

An Elector -You told ns that in the event of a dissolution you would be happy to serve the electors again. I would like to ask you how you consider that you looked after the interests of your constituents when you were absent from your place for the first seven weeks of last session in connection with the Eimutuka matter P [Cheers.] Mr Moorhouse-I don’t know you, sir, but I will say that your information and statement is quite incorrect. Let gentlemen turn up “ Hansard.”

The Questioner—Well, all I know is that it was stated in the papers both here and in Wellington that you were absent for the first six weeks of the session. [Cheers and laughter.] Mr Moorhouse— I may say that I was never absent from Parliament for seven weeks in my life. There was no member in the Assembly last session who sat in that House more hours than I have done. [“Oh, oh.”] What do gentlemen say “Oh, oh,” about? Can you put your finger on anything I have done wrong ? I appeal to the chairman, who has sat with me. [A Voice : “ He’s one of the party.”] He will toll you that I was always in the precincts of the House.

An Elector—Do yon advocate the payment of members F

Mr Moorhouse—Yes, I do ; and this for reasons which have been urged a hundred times. There are numbers of valuable and useful men who could not afford to go to Parliament unless you paid them, and thus it would act in the direction of excluding many able men from Parliament whom it would bo desirous to have there. So far as lam personally concerned Ido not care very much, but I think on principle that members should be paid. [Hear, hear.] I am asked by a written question whether I am in favor of triennial I say at once that I am not. I think this country at present is overdone with elections. There are elections for Eoad Boards, school committees, County Councils, and what not, besides which it takes a new member three years to learn his business. It will bo like getting rid of a soldier just as he had completed his drill and is likely to be of some use to the country. [Hear, hear.] Will I advocate the defence of the harbors of the colony ? Certainly. I have been moving in this direction before. The protection of the harbors of the colony is a part of the policy of the Ministry, and must necessarily also be of any Government that may be formed. I am happy to be able to congratulate this constituency upon the confirmation of peace, because it will materially affect our trade and commence in the direction of improving prices for produce. At the same time it is still necessary to take steps to defend our harbors. “Do you not think it right that every person who is subject to the laws should have a voice in making them?” Well, I say this, that no man who is provident would bo excluded from having a voice in the making of the laws under our present system. An Elector—Do you not think that under the present system many improvident persons have votes while many provident men have not ? Mr Moorhouse —Well, I think this, that these provident men will have property by and by, and if they don’t take the trouble to register their votes that is their own fault.

An Hector—Then you oppose manhood suffrage altogether ? Mr Moorhouse—'Yes. I believe in a man having a vote because he has got property, an estate in the colony, is a householder, or pays rates. [Hear, hear.] An Elector —But suppose he is unable to get an estate?

Mr Moorhouse—What I mean by an estate, is the getting of the simple qualification now required by law to enable a man to have a vote. An Elector—l should like to ask Mr Moorhouse which ho considers the moat desirable citizen, the man who walks with his swag from place to place, earning his livelihood by working at bush work or quarrying, or the one who possesses perhaps a quarter of an acre of land, and is not ashamed to live on the money made by his wife at the wash-tub ?

Mr Moorhouse—My friend has put his question very speciously. lam certainly of opinion that the honest swagger is a far better citizen than the man who lives upon the labour of women in any degree. The question, however, refers rather to a state of things _ which docs not exist hero except in a very modified degree. I would put it to my friend that the swagger he has referred to may possess property himself some day, and he will be none the worse for doing so. Mr J. Lee—l think I understood you, Mr Moorbonso, to say that you would not give any one the privilege of a vote unless be bad an estate in the colony. Is that right ? [Mr Moorhouse—Yes.] Well, then, I want you to tell mo what you would do with a case sneb as I will bring before yon. I have been seventeen years in the colony, and worked as hard during that period as any one in this room. I have no property, and my situation is this, that I contribute towards the revenues of the colony as much as those who have estate and property. Yet yon say you would not give me a vote, is that right or honest ? | Cheers.] I tell you now that if you come before the constituency again you will not get in. [Cheers.] Mr Moorhouse—Then I must remain out, that is all.

An Elector —I would like to ask Mr Moorliou.so whether he thinks he can serve ns better by residing in Wellington or here ? Mr Moorhouse —I have some little delicacy in answering this question, as it is a matter of

personal concern. My business is in Wellington, beside* which I think my being at the scat of Government enables me to_ take many opportunities of serving tho constituency. I am confident of this, that my contiguity to the Government offices has enabled mo to do lots of little offices as the representative of Christchurch. I think, therefore, I should bo quite as useful by residing in Wellington as here, perhaps more so. I entreat you to believe this, however, that it is impossible for me to forget the place where I have spent my manhood; where I have given the best years of ray life. I believe in the unity of the colony, and love every part of it; but I say this, that my feeling towards Canterbury is of that character that can far more easily bo imagined than described. It will live in my memory and will never bo effaced, [Hear.] An Elector—l would like to ask Mr Moorhouse if he is in favor of opening public houses on Sundays P He has told us that ho adopted the ideas of Mr Richardson in the main, and that gentleman was in favor of this being done. Mr Moorhouse —Yes ; and for reasons which have been stated before. I see no reason why if I am a poor man and cannot afford to keep a barrel of beer that I should bo debarred from having a glass of fresh ale with my dinner on Sunday if I require it. [Cheers and hisses.]_ I should bo in favor of the public houses being open during tho dinner Jiour on Sundays. [Cheers and hisses.] Mr M. B. Hart—l should like to ask Mr Moorhouse, as one of tho representatives of Christchurch, two simple questions. Tho first is, does he consider that Christchurch, under the present circumstances connected with hospitals and charitable aid, is entitled to greater endowments than it has at present P Secondly, will Mr Moorhouse, in his place in tho Assembly, do all ho can to assist in obtaining this ? [Cheers.] Mr Moorhouse—l may say yes to both questions at first, and I will then amplify a little on that answer. I think that tho pressure under the present system of maintenance of hospitals and charitable aid on the large towns of the colony is too severe. All the poverty and all the sickness comes to the capital towns of those districts in which arc situated hospitals, serving a large extent of country, and they have to pay a very large amount of expenses, plus, of course, the amounts received from patients. Therefore I am inclined to believe that it would be right and proper to charge the expenses of hospitals, charitable aid, and lunatic asylums on the consolidated revenue. [Hear, hear.] And for this reason, that then all the population of the colony would contribute in exactly the same proportion to the curing of the sick and the X’clicf of tho distress of tho whole population ; that is, a'l contribute towards tho sick and needy, which the state is bound to support. I am well aware of this fact from my former connection with this province, that a very largo proportion of the patients healed in the Christchurch hospital come from long distances outside the municipal boundaries. The only difficulty in the way of carrying out such a proposition as I have indicated, is the government or controlling power over tho expenditure. That is the difficulty. Always provided you can get proper management and control, I think tho cost of hospitals and charitable aid should bo paid out of the consolidated revenue, and so fall equally on all. As regards the endowment question, I may tell you that I interested myself actively in the matter, and urged upon the Government the fact that the original endowment of Christchurch was sold to pay a small debt incurred by the province during its early struggles. If these endowments had been retained to tho city, a very large amount of money would have been realised now from them. In view of these facts I asked tho Government to send down a Bill to make larger endowments for the City of Christchurch, but it was not done. However, I will do all I can when any opportunity arises, to got the endowments for Christchurch made larger. [Cheers.]

An Elector —Will you assist in getting a clause inserted into the Municipal Corporations Act to enable householders to vote, though not in occupation six months, and though the rates may be paid by the landlord? 1 Mr Moorhouse —I will give the question my best consideration. It is a very light thing to say one will do this or do that. An Elector —Did you vote to disfranchise this class ?

Mr Moorhouse—No. My wish has always been to give every one the largest possible amount of voting power. I think my impression at present, so far as I have thought of the subject, is that every householder should have a vote whether the landlord pays the rates or not. But it is a question which requires careful consideration before giving a final answer.

An Elector—l should like to ask you if yon arc in favor of the extension of the railway to the West Coast ?

Mr Moorhouse—Certainly. I am very much in favor of it. When I was Superintendent I had a survey made of one route, which I found on personal inspection not to bo a suitable one. Another route has been I understand since surveyed, which is said to bo a good mercantile highway. I believe it would bo eminently advantageous, both to Canterbury and to the West Coast if a lino were constructed which would bring them into communication with each other. I should also like to see Invercargill and the West Coast in communication. With a view of showing you my sincerity on this point, I may say that I am in communication with the members for the West Coast, Messrs George and Gisborim, on the subject. We propose to place ourselves in communication with the Government, and to urge upon them the great importance to the colony of the construction of this line. [Hear, hear.] Mr Nairn—l should like to ask Mr Moorhouse if ho is in favour of a gun t ix, such as is proposed by the Acclimatisation Society ? Mr Moorhouse—l am not at all aware of the details of the proposed tax. I cannot be supposed to be posted up in the minutiae of what takes place at the meetings of the Acclimatisation Society. I shall support a gun tax or any other tax that is in my opinion a necessary one. Mr M. Hall—l beg to propose a vote of thanks to Mr Moorhouse for his address. [Cries of “ Not yet.” “ There arc more questions to bo asked.”] An Elector —I wish to ask Mr Moorhouse whether he is in favour of a Bill being brought in at the next session or previous session —[Laughter]—l mean future session, for bringing trades unions under the same provisions as the Friendly Societies now are. At the present time anyone can rob us, and I want to ask if we can’t be protected in the same way that Friendly Societies now are. Mr Moorhouse —It is impossible for mo to say whether i will support such a Bill until I sec the details of its provisions.

An Elector—l believe Mr Stout has announced his intention of bringing in a Bill for the purpose during the next session. Mr Moorhouse—Well, I am not quite sure that I shall support all that Mr Stout brings in. Ho is by far too much of a doctrinaire for me. I will say this, that I think it is right that men who form such societies should be protected. They have quite as much right to have their capital—that is, their labor, or art, in skilled mechanics —protected, as I have to have my property. I am not at all in favor of repressive legislation. If such protection as you have spoken of is necessary I have no objection to it at all.

Mr Tremayne—l have one or two questions to ask Mr Moorhouse. Docs ho consider it was a justifiable act on the part of the Government to "rant an extension of ten years’ lease to the runholders of Canterbury, without bringing the matter before the constituencies for their consideration? [Cheers.] Mr Moorhouse—That is whether I disapprove of the policy of the Government as regards the squatting interests of Canterbury. All I can reply is that I was a supporter of that policy, Mr Tremayne—Well, that won’t do now. Would you do it without consulting the constituencies ?

Mr Moorhouse—l don’t know how long the gentleman has been in the colony, but it must be understood that this question has been under consideration for a dozen years at least. It was discussed and spoken upon at the last general election, and the line laid down by the late Government was endorsed by Mr Stevens, myself, and nearly every public man in Canterbury. The public here had it before them. 1 stated on this very platform that I intended to support a policy such as that pursued by the late Government in dealing with the waste lands. I think that Mr Stevens did the same, and so I believe did Mr "Richardson. Is it not simply a mockery this extension? Don’t we know that money is flowing in from all directions to the Treasury from the sale of land? How much M’aste land will there be in ten years ? r I he cry of the demagogues is, one must grow men, not sheep ; that sheep must give way to population. But what is the fact even now ? Why, that there is very little land left fit for tillage. Well, if this is the case, what reason is there to wish to change the tenure. Besides, wo must look to the great staple export of the colony as well, and if the land is not fit for tillage and is for wool growing why need we wish to interfere when the change cannot he made ?

Mr Tremayne—You told ns that you agreed in the main with what had fallen from Mr Richardson. Now that gentleman stated that a large proportion of the liquors sold in the colony were poisonous.

Mr Moorhouse —I believe there is a great deal of had drink knocking about.

Mr Tremayne—Then don’t you think it would he a good thing if all liquors wore tested on arrival in the colony ?

Mr Moorhouse —I think it would, be. But I think it would he move satisfactory to the public

if they were tested in tlic publican’s bar, [Hear, hoar.] Any measure which has for its object the improvement of the physical health of the population would have my support. Mr Tremayno—There is another _ question which I desire to ask Mr Moorhouse with a view to obtaining information. Is it not a fact that there arc a band of men in the colony of New Zealand who have not attained the age of eighteen years, but who are yet entitled to vote at our elections by virtue of their holding miners’ x’ights ? Mr Moorhouso —I cannot tell you at the present moment whether minors holding miners’ rights are entitled to vote. An Elector —Would Mr Moorhouso vote for the salaries of the necessary officers to carry out the provisions of the Adulteration of Food Act ? Mr Moorhouse —Yes.

Mr Hail —I beg to move—" That this meeting accords a hearty vote of thanks to Mr Moorhouse for his address this evening.” [Cheers.] I think that as the passing of a vote of confidence or no confidence has nothing to do with the mat* ter that it is useless to include that.

Mr Wright seconded the motion. An Elector —I beg to move as an amendment —“ That this meeting thanks Mr Moorhouse for his address, but not as representative of Christchurch.” Mr J. Lee seconded the amendment.

Mr Izctt trusted the meeting would reject the amendment. There could be no doubt about it that the address they had just heard was as weak and as illogical as it could possibly be, and not such a one as they were entitled to look for from their representative. Still they could not forget the very great services rendered to Canterbury by Mr Moorhouse in times past—services which would always bo remembered, and therefore ho trusted they would carry the motion. [Hear, hear.] As to saying Mr Moorhouse was not their representative, that was nonsense. They could not get away from the fact that ho was the elected representative of Christchurch. [Hear, hear.] The amendment was then put by the chairman and negatived by a largo majority, only two hands being held up for it. The motion was then put and carried with only two dissentients.

Mr Moorhouso briefly thanked those present, and proposed a vote of thanks to the chairman, which brought the proceedings to a close at 10 p.m.