The Globe. WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1878.

Globe, Volume IX, Issue 1284, 1 May 1878, Page 2

The Globe. WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1878.

In a former article we gave an outline of the address delivered by Mr. Saunders at Kaikoura a short time ago. Its most striking characteristic was the evident wish of the speaker to be regarded as strictly moderate in his views, and he claimed to be particularly qualified to exorcise a restraining influence upon the Ministerial party from the fact that he had for years been a strong opponent of class legislation. Now, however, he saw danger of his party going too far, and hence his appearance before the electors of Cheviot. How much there was of worldly wisdom in tho attitude assumed, and how much sincere conviction it is not for us to say. But it must not be forgotten that the constituency to which tho words were addressed is a peculiar one. M«nv nf fit ft file«tors who reside in and near Jlaikoura nave pernaps considerable sympathy with tho views of thoso who designate themselves the Liberal party. Tho remainder most probably go to the opposite extreme, and look upon any attempt at legislation in the direction indicated by Ministers with great distrust. The position taken up by Mr. Saunders is, thereforo, a skilful ono. Ho seeks, on tho one hand, to win over the support of a part of the constituency by talking tho language of the popular agitator, and on the other, to induce the squatters and others to vote for him, in tho hope that he will do his best to save property from the hands of tho spoiler. Such a position, however, is a dangerous one, and few men have the ability to occupy it with success. Besides, the presence of a number of such 'halfhearted politicians' in the House would be the bane of the colony. They '* plow with an ox and an ass," and they lose tho confidence of all parties, although there are times when their vote is anxiously sought by rival parties.

Should the Government introduce next session their promised measure dealing with Representation, it will bo proposed to alter the property qualification as it exists at present, to a residential one. Each male adult of twenty-one years of age and upwards who has resided a certain period in any electoral district is to be entitled to a vote, and one vote only. Where such a radical change is to be proposed, we are sorry that no attempt has been made to elicit public opinion on what is known as the Hare system of representation. For the following outline of the scheme wo are indebted to John Stuart Mill's work on " Representative Institutions: " —" According to this plan the unit of representation, the quota of electors who would bo entitled to have a representative to themselves, would be ascertained by tho ordinary process of taking averages, the number of voters being divided by tto numW of seats in the House; and every candidate who obtained that quota would be returned, from however great a number of local constituencies it might be gathered. The votes would, as at present, bo given locally ; but any elector would be at liberty to vote for any candidate in whatever part of tho country he might offer himself. Those electors, therefore, who did not wish to bo represented by any of tho local candidates might aid by their vote in tho return of tho person they liked best amongst all those throughout the country who had expressed a willingness to bo chosen. This would, so far give roality to the electoral rights of the otherwise virtually disfranchised minority." Mr. Mill further explains that not only thoso who refuse to vote for local candidates, but who do voto and are defeated, should elsewhere find representation. This would bo secured by an elector delivering a voting paper containing other names in addition to the ono standing foremost in Ms preference. His vote of course would only be counted for one candidate), but if his first choice failed to be retted, his second might. Under such a system there would of course be certain candidates who would, from their popularity, receive an enormous nurnbe' of votes. But the system provides that no moro than tho quota necessary for his return aro to bo counted, the remainder of thoso who voted for him would have their votes couated for tho next person on their re

spective lists. Into tho details of tho scheme it is not necessary to enter in this article. The advantages of tho system are in Mr. Mills' opinion as follow :—That every minority in tho State, of sufficient numerical strength to be entitled to a representative, can obtain one. That no elector would be nominally represented by some one -whom ho had not choson. That every member would represent an unanimous constituency. That any advantages arising from tho representation of localities could bo retained by tho electors of any locality, which could make up the necessary number, voting for a person selected by themselves. That many known ablo mon of independent thought who would have no chanco of being chosen by tho majority of any existing constituency, would have a chanco of obtaining tho number of votes necessary to secure their return. Under the present system it is the majority of the electors in each district only who aro represented in Parliament, tho minority being practically disfranchised. Tako a town in England, for examplo, with 1000 oloctors. Say there are three candidates in the field —a Conservative, a Liberal, and a Radical. Tho Conservative polls 400 votes, tho Liberal 300, and tho Radical 300. This results in the practical non-reprosentation of 600 voters out of tho 1000. The same might bo tho case in five neighboring constituences, tho consequence being that five Conservatives would bo returned, representing 2000 electors, an&not representing 3000 who voted for Liberals and Radicals. Under Mr. Hare's system this evil would bo avoided, and a true reflex of public opinion obtained. In a future articlo we hope to discuss tho scheme at some length, dwelling chiefly on the question of its suitability to the present state of things in tho colony.