The Globe. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1878.

Globe, Volume IX, Issue 1236, 20 February 1878, Page 2

The Globe. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1878.

The facility with which the Lyttelton Times changes his political principles to suit what he regards as the popular views of the hour is well known. During last session his admiration for the Premier grew with the increasing strength of the party. At first all Sir G. Grey’s well known faults were paraded with ostentatious impartiality, and his unfitness for the post he had just accepted, carefully pointed out. But little by little our contemporary gained confidence, and at last, when it was evident that the Ministry were perfectly safe, he turned round courageously and gave the party his undivided support. Another example of our contemporary’s desire to appear on the popular side is shown in his leader this morning. Speaking of Sir G. Grey’s policy he says:— It does not seem a very difficult thing to prove that a poor man should not contribute the same amount as the rich man pays to the creation of the requisite revenue. If that principle is admitted, the corollary mathematically follows that the present incidence of Customs taxation should be changed Then, again, it is reasonable that, in a colony like this, and in view of all its circumstances, the Parliamentary franchise should be confined to about a fourth of its adult male population ? Is it not also reasonable that the existing representation should be adjusted to the progressive changes of our local population ? In these two assumptions wo leave out the question on which dispute will necessarily arise, to what limit the franchise should be extended, and on what principle the representation must be adjusted. Sir George stated his own views, but at the earrm time explained that he did not wish to encumber the adoption of the principle by insisting on details. One would imagine from the above passage that the opponents of Sir G. Grey deny that any change in the incidence of Customs taxation should take place, that the franchise should not bo extended, and that the existing representatiou should not bo adjusted. Our contemporary is anxious to secure a popularity, without committing himself to details, iiud so ho confines .himself to vague generalities. The public are not so ignorant as the' Times evidently .thinks, and they will perhaps resent the kind of teaching he is anxious to impart. Notwithstanding the “plethora of fallacy” which we are assured prevails, the public are not slow to recognise the existence of good honest convictions. In leaving out lue questions “ to what limit the franchise shoiild be extended, and on what principle the representation sfionld bo adjusted, ’ the Times omits everything, Tfiegy are just the questions wo are called upon to decide. Our contemporary, however, lias jbeen unable to ascertain exactly what public opinion is on these two questions, and so ho tokos refuge in vague generalities. If our contemporary is not pvqpaynd to support the Manhood, gufirago Bill of 'iit Gforge Grey, why

does lie not honestly tell ns so, and cease to appear in borrowed plumes ? A bold outspoken lino of conduct, in tbe present state of public affairs, would command the respect of the community, and perhaps after all, pay best.

Ip is somewhat remarkable that no attempt lias hitherto been made to establish a Working Man’s Club in Christchurch. Several of tbe chief towns of the colony are ahead of us in this respect, and surely there are sufficient men of the right class to warrant a similar effort hero. The object of such a club is the establishment of a library and readingroom, conversation room, smoking room, billiard-room, and other conveniences. A well-managed institution of this kind cannot fail to benefit its members, who are thus enabled to meet and enjoy the advantages of social intercourse, without the necessity of frequenting the tap-room of a public-house. Clubs are felt to ho a great boon to those in a higher rank in life. They are a source of comfort to their members, as well as a means of intellectual improvement, and similar institutions might be made equally useful to the working-man. This class could well afford to start a club of their own. They have ample means, as well as a large number from whom to make a selection of members. Were such an institution in operation, it would bring together the best men, and the result would bo an interchange of ideas on social and political questions which might lead to most beneficial results. Should an attempt he made hereto follow the example of Auckland and other chief towns in the colony in the establishment of such a club, we hope our working men will not seek the aid of those above them in the social scale. Above all, let them refuse the assistance and patronage of any of our would-be dem a gogues. The working men stand in need of no such help. Let full information be obtained of the working of such clubs in other parts of the colony and in England, and when they are fully informed, let them take all the necessary steps themselves to successfully float such an institution.

In the present state of affairs in Europe it may be interesting to look back to what was said by Great Britain and Russia regarding the possession of Constantinople shortly after the war broke out. In May last Lord Derby wrote to Prince Gortseliakoff regarding the possession of that capital : “ Her Majesty’s Government is not prepared to regard with indifference the transfer into other hands, than those of its present possessors, of a capital which occupies such a peculiar and important position.” Prince Gortseliakoff replied in the following terms: —“ So far as regards Constantinople, without being able to foresee the course or the issue of the war, the Imperial Cabinet repeats that the acquisition of this capital is excluded from the views of His Imperial Majesty, who acknowledges that, in any case, the future of Constantinople is a question of common interest, which cannot be settled otherwise than by a general understanding, and that, if the possession of that city should he brought into question, it could not be permitted to be held by any one of tbe European powers. As to the Straits, although the two shores belong to the same Sovereign, they constitute the only outlet of two large seas in which the whole world is interested. It is, therefore, important, in the interest of peace and of the general balance of power, that the question should be settled by a common understanding upon equitable bases efficaciously guaranteed,”