GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Globe, Volume VI, Issue 665, 7 August 1876, Page 3

GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

(From a corespondent of the Press.) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Friday, August 4. separation. Mr Rees’ speech lasted for nearly three hours of the evening sitting, and dealt with such a variety of subjects that it was impossible in ordinary limits to noticefthem. His remarks are fairly summarised by the Post thus :— -1 He reviewed the policy of the Government, past and proposed, in all its parts, criticised the conduct of individual members of the Ministry, lauded Sir Geo. Grey, and referred occasionally, if slightly, to the subject of the resolutions. His direct manner of referring to the Premier induced the Speaker to call him once to order, and not to depart from the courtesies of debate ; and a reference to the hospitalities of Sir Julius aud Lady Vogel in these words, ‘ that the private dinner parties and entertainments given by the Premier and Lady Vogel were simply the means to an end, that of purchasing political support,’ called forth strong signs of disapprobation, whereat he referred as authority for his assertion to a paragraph in the Wahatip Mail , generally believed to have been written by a member of the House. This brought Mr Manders to his feet, who explained that the paragraph referred to by the member for Auckland West, was an extract from a private letter he had sent to the proprietor of that paper, and which was never intended to be published ; but since it had seen the light, he was not ashamed to say that he endorsed every word of it. In another part of his speech, when referring to the corrupt acts of the Government, he said, “ That had it not been for the ill feeling existing between the wife of a Minister and wife of a Judge, a gentleman other than the present occupant of the office would have been appointed Chief Justice.” He afterwards reviewed at length the financial statement of the past aud the present year, pointing out what he said were large and serious discrepancies in the first and similar discrepancies in the second. He characterised them as in many particulars the result of reckless guesswork or adroit manipulation. Ho adverted to many of the administrative actions of the Government as being influenced by favoritism, while one department, the Native Department, was _ dependent for the accomplishment of its objects on extravagant expenditure and bribery of the natives. He referred to the money drawn by the Premier when in England as a parallel case to a clerk appropriating £2O more than his salary, an action which in the latter case would involve the delinquent being placed in the dock as a criminal. The Premier, ho said, occupying the high official position he did, had thus set a most pernicious example to the whole civil service. No jury could convict, and no judge could sentence, any who in future purloined money from the public chest, since the culprit could say, “ Why the Premier himself took £3ooo.’’ He claimed for Sir George Grey the possession of a genius for the framing of political constitutions, and contrasted the present proposals with the policy of the Government, claiming for the former infinite superiority in the direction of promoting the best interests of the colony. Mr Wason, as the representative of an outlying district, could not give a silent vote. Abolition was hailed with joy by the outlying districts mainly, if not entirely, on account of the loss of confidence in the Provincial Government in having drained large sums of money from the outlying districts, to spend in and about Christchurch, to which enormous subsidies were paid, while the outlying districts which provided the means, were left as best they could to get their roads and bridges. Could they wonder at a district such as he was representing, returning a member pledged to overturn a state of Government under which such proceedings were rendered possible. But what did they find ? The financial statement, the Counties Bill and Financial Arrangements Bill, taken one by one, showed that a day of calamity had come. Our lands were unsaleable, our credit falling, our railways unfinished, and our revenue diminishing, whilst it was proposed to increase the departmental expenditure to an enormous extent. Was this a time for creating fresh departments, or for erecting the largest wooden buildings in the world ? Was it not rather a time for sweeping out our house ; for taking care that the devil we cast out did not return with seven others worse than himself. [Laughter.] He quoted from the Press report of the meeting of chairmen of Road Boards to show that the Counties and Financial Arrangements Bills were not satisfactory to the country. Last year Road Boards were promised £2 for £l. This year they were only to get £l. Last year they were to receive the revenues arising from publicans’ licenses. This year that source of revenue was turned over to counties. Was this the way to do justice to outlying districts, which would still have to make their roads, while there was still large areas of land in them open for purchase? But the people of those districts could never make roads without they got a direct per centage from their land revenue. Was the proposal to put them on the same footing as populous districts, which had already received roads and had bridges made, doing justice to the outlying districts. In Canterbury people thought by paying £2 an acre for the land, each purchaser was entitled to have a road to his land ; but under this Bill of the Government they were on precisely the same footing as those speculators who had purchased at 2s 6d. Was this and telling the people to rate themselves justice to outlying districts. He for one objected entirely to this system, and also to subsidising districts out of consolidated revenue. People were not going to bo tricked by the shallow artifices of the Government, Referring to the Premier’s remark that one of the effects of the public works policy was to bo seen in the increased value given to land as examplcd by the increased price put upon land taken for railway purposes, he thought the latter fact waa a proof of the miserable weakness of the Government which had submitted to such exorbitant demands. It was a notorious fact that a political railway had been made for no other reason than that some interested settlers should receive money direct from the Government for their land, besides receiving indirect advantages. The Premier had endeavored to foment the jealousy which may have existed between one province and another. That Wellington and Canterbury should have more in common than Canterbury and Otago, was a matter of great wonder to him. He was perfectly aware that provincial jealousies

had been attempted to be fostered, for ever since he had been here efforts had been made to set the Otago and Canterbury men by the ears. The Premier’s argument that increased expenditure would take place, from the fact of there being three Governments instead of one, was one that would be generally agreed with ; but it was equally true that three Governments jointly would cost a great deal less than the General Government. Then the Premier went on to hold out threats. He (Mr Wason) was tired of these threats, of which he had heard sufficient during the last twelve months. The last threat was that if they voted for separation, they voluntarily broke the compact of 1856, and that they dare not go back to their constituencies after having done so, but he said it was the Government who had broken that compact. [Opposition cheers. 1 Instead of the land revenue being localised the provinces were to be mixed up one with the other and brought down to the same level. Such a scheme of finance as had been initiated would laud this colony before two years—aye, before a year—in grievous disaster. He did not suppose the Premier would find many who disagreed with him when he said that there should be no power between the local body aud the Government. But here was provided a gigantic scheme of departmental government coming between the local bodies and the General Government. Canterbury was divided into road boards. But all that was ignored. It was proposed to set over them masters, besides which the scourge of provincial councils would be a mere bagatelle. He certainly read with regret that the resolutions of the member for the Thames contained a reference to a united colony. Still he would vote for them, only hoping that a united colony would not be maintained, but adopt the boundaries nature had provided for us. He did not sympathise with the sentimentality of a united colony. We had grown too big, and the only solution was to be found in separation, which was no new cry. Years before when it was brought down provincialism rendered it impassable. It was brought down now when provincialism was passing away, but the next time it was brought down it would be with an energy that would sweep everything before it. To the South fair terras had been offered by the North, which if refused now would not again be offered. The matter could easily be settled now without any war or revolution which might bring woe to many a homo. He pitied Auckland despoiled by the southern vote of her prescriptive right to be the empire city of the colony, and forced into a war by Southern members, and she now offered to the South terms alike creditable to her heart and head. This matter might not be settled this year, but if an appeal was rightly made to the suffrages of the people upon it, it would not be made in vain, Mr Lusk contrasted the expenditure of this colony with Natal, which also had had a native difficulty, and with the Australian colonies, and argued from the figures he adduced that we spent £1,105,600 a year upon departmental government, which was unexampled extravagance, and the cause of all the present uneasiness in the public mind. The only part of the colony that had profited by the expenditure that had been and was going on, was Wellington—the population of which was artificial, unhealthy, and necessarily corrosive in its character upon the constitution of the colony. The scheme of the Government, instead of decentralising, would create thirtynine bastard provinces, each of which would cost £I6OO a year in salaries, and the principal town in each of which would become the centre of discontent, of logrolling, aud of tyranny towards the county. He warned the House of danger from the natives in the North. The course which had been pursued for years by this Ministry had led to distrust and dissatisfaction, which might culminate in another disastrous native war. Did the South think that the North would then come aud ask to take over the charge of the natives ? No, it would be too late then; the South could not escape from her burdens, which will weigh heavily upon the people, nor would the North be able to escape from the desolation which must necessarily overtake it. The present was a most favorable time for carrying out the proposed arrangement. There was peace in the North, aud in the South there was still left some of her land fund. Such an offer could never again be made in prudence or justice, as was now made by the North. Mr Pitzeoy complained of the manner in which the Opposition had conducted the debate, and that the older members had not come forward to the assistance of the new members. Commenting on the speeches of the Opposition and those of the member for Auckland East, and Franklin in particular, he said he thought it would have been a far more honorable way to manage this business, if a large section of the House, who were not content with the management of those who directed the business of the country, had in a straightforward and honest manner brought down a vote of want of confidence, instead of mixing up separation, finance, and no confidence. It had been said that the public works principally was a great calamity to the colony, He did not mean to say there had not been extravagance, but some of it had been forced on by the will of the people, who would have the benefit of railway communication. For that reason he could not agree in thinking that the scheme had been a calamity. He very much regretted that the member for Auckland Bast should have gone out of his way and shown such bad taste as to refer to the private hospitality of any members. [Hear, hear.] He condemned the proposals of the member for the Thames as crude, and concluded by saying if it could be shown to his satisfaction that three Governments could be cheaper and more economically worked than one central one, he would vote for the bon member’s proposal. I Opposition cheers ] When he was returned to the House the people of the district were satisfied with the proposals of the Government, and he thought the form of Government sketched in their measures waa sqlficicnt decentralisation for the present for the people of the colony. He certainly would not vote for the resolutions of the member for the Thames. Mr Thompson complained that no speeches had come from the Government, but the country was not silent. The question before the House was the great topic of conversation all over New Zealand. The general conclusion was that the arguments of her Majesty’s Opposition were correct, He thought Sir Geo. Grey was right in not going into details, because had he done so, the House would have been occupied in discussing details and forgetting the principles of the resolutions.

At 1 a.m. the motion for adjournment of the debate was moved by Mr Button, aud speaking to it, Mr Stout “ warned ’’ the Government, that if they continued to cast indignity on members as they had done, they would grievously repent of their action. Their sole purpose seemed to cast another indignity on the people of Auckland, whose representative (Mr Rees) had delivered one of the ablest speeches he had ever heard. The Government could not answer his arguments, and therefore they cast ridicule on him ; two people could cast ridicule, and he assured the Government—he warned them—that a Ministry that could treat the House as they had done, had committed what was worse than a crime—a grievous blunder. POLITICAL NEWS. All the papers condemn in no measured terms the coarseness of some of Mr Rees’s remarks. He spoke to a thin House. Indeed there was barely a quorum during the evening. Ministers, with a view of forcing a division, would not put up any of their side to speak, and the adjournment when it took place was the result of mismanagement on the whips parts. What the Opposition regard as their trump card is said to be resolutions touching finance which will probably be moved by Mr Whitaker.